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Cold Warriors: The Essex Class in the Cold War

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Story Post 1
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    • SSgtC

    SSgtC

    It's bedtime somewhere
    Location
    Bristol, TN
    Pronouns
    He/Him
    Author's Note: This is a timeline that I've been working on that explores a different Cold War where the United States Navy is forced to maintain a larger carrier fleet, one that the Essex class continues to play a large role in. The first few posts won't focus on the class themselves, but are the set up for the changed circumstances of the Cold War. Comments and criticisms are always welcome.

    April 10, 1957
    Jakarta, Indonesia

    Indonesian President Sukarno wadded up the message that had been sent to him from his ambassador to the United Nations and angrily threw it across the room. Within the neatly typed pages was the latest response from The Netherlands in regard to the sovereignty of West Irian. The Dutch were still refusing to budge on the issue. Like all such messages between countries, the document before him was phrased politely and diplomatically, but the message was the same: That they could all go to hell. The Dutch had not changed their negotiating position in regard to West Irian a dot in seven years. Indonesia had tried everything. Direct talks between the two nations and talks through the auspices of the United Nations. Both had now failed. And the United Nations was actually proving to be even worse than useless. Not one country in the West was willing to even remotely back them. The United States had initially made some vague noises about sympathizing with their position and he originally had some hope that perhaps the United States could serve as an arbiter, but in the end, nothing had come of it. The only support they had received that was worth a damn had been from the Soviets and the Chinese. While Israel had also voiced support for their position, they were not in a position themselves to do more than that.

    The Chinese themselves couldn't offer much beyond moral support in the short term either. Though in the future their huge population base and potential for industry could be helpful. Especially if, as he now suspected it would, the disagreement with the Dutch boiled over into armed conflict.

    And accepting aid from the Soviets came with it's own costs. He had to balance three competing interests within his own country. The military, the Islamists and the Communists. Show too much favor to one, and the others would revolt. Sometimes he felt like he was sitting in a house of cards and all it would take to knock the whole thing down would be a strong breeze. Unfortunately, the situation was fast reaching a tipping point.
     
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    • Story Post 2
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    • April 19, 1957
    Jakarta, Indonesia

    In a nationwide broadcast on Radio Rebuplik Indonesia, President Sukarno announces the nationalization of the Indonesian oil industry and the seizure of Dutch assets in Indonesian territory. In real terms, this meant the replacement of Bataafse Petroleum Maatschappij (BPM), a subsidiary of Royal Dutch Shell, Caltex and Stanvac, as the primary operator of Indonesia's oil fields and refineries with a new state owned company, Permina. The announcement by Indonesia came as a shock to Western intelligence agencies, though several analysts had warned that this was a distinct possibility over the last several months. These analysts were ignored as many such analysts are.

    Though Western speculation was rampant that this move was in retaliation for the breakdown of negotiations over New Guinea, President Sukarno vigorously denied it. Proof of this denial seemed to be clear as BPM (acting for Royal Dutch Shell), Caltex and Stanvac were all allowed to retain minority stakes in the new state owned company. In truth, the minority stakes were attempts to retain the skilled engineers needed to keep the operation running efficiently.
     
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    • Story Post 3
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    • April 22, 1957
    Washington, DC, USA

    United States Secretary of State John Foster Dulles ushers Indonesian Ambassador Dr Ali Sastroamidjojo into his office. It is not a pleasant meeting. Following the normal exchange of pleasantries, the United States issues a formal protest of the nationalization of the Indonesian Oil Industry and the arbitrary seizure of assets owned by American Companies, in particular Caltex and Stanvac. Ambassador Sastroamidjojo is polite yet firm in his response that Indonesia is simply acting in it's own best interests. He also stresses that both companies are being given minority stakes in the new state owned enterprise.

    During the course of the meeting, Secretary Dulles emphasizes the growing trade links between the two countries and urges Indonesia to reconsider. Ambassador Sastroamidjojo is cautioned that if Indonesia refuses to reconsider by the 26th, the United States will be forced to consider other options to seek redress. The threat is left unspoken, but it is clearly understood by both sides. Though Ambassador Sastroamidjojo suggests to Secretary Dulles that Indonesia may be willing to discuss compensation for the affected companies, the imposition of a deadline just days away is likely to derail the entire proceedings.
     
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    • SSgtC said:
    Author's Note: This is a timeline that I've been working on that explores a different Cold War where the United States Navy is forced to maintain a larger carrier fleet, one that the Essex class continues to play a large role in. The first few posts won't focus on the class themselves, but are the set up for the changed circumstances of the Cold War. Comments and criticisms are always welcome.
    Click to expand...
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    Only a large carrier fleet.
     
    lordhen said:
    Will this mean we get to see carriers that we did not see in OTL, also will this ripple effect the Soviet Navy and Royal Navy ore only the United States Navy.
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    There will be ripples across multiple nations and fleets. Not always with regards to carriers, but there will be changes
     
    Story Post 4
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    • April 29, 1957
    New York, NY, USA

    With the only reply from Indonesia to their formal protest being a request to extend the deadline, the United States calls a meeting of the United Nations Security Council. Henry Cabot Lodge Jr, Ambassador to the United Nations speaks from his seat in the Security Council Chambers. His speech is relatively short and the resolution he introduces is as well. The resolution formally condemns the illegal seizure of American, British and Dutch assets in Indonesia. Within the resolution, the United States demands restitution to the affected companies be made along with the return of their property. If the demands contained in the resolution are not met, the United States requests that the United Nations impose sanctions on the export of Indonesian oil, natural gas and certain agricultural exports. If implemented, the sanctions would collapse Indonesia's economy almost overnight. Following a protest from the Soviet Union, a vote is scheduled for May 1st.
     
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    • Story Post 5
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    • April 30, 1957
    Jakarta, Indonesia

    Formal protests from the United States, the United Kingdom and the Netherlands regarding Indonesia's seizure of BPM, along with the UN resolution, sat on President Sukarno's desk. He was fuming. Nationalizing the oil industry was the only way to solidify Indonesia's increasingly fragile internal stability and provide a boost to the economy. He had delayed making the move as long as he dared to give negotiations a chance. And when he had finally moved to nationalize BPM, he had expected the various companies to file complaints and take their grievances through the court system. While he had fully expected Indonesia to end up having to pay some form of reparations to the West, going through the courts was a process that would take years and give further diplomacy a chance to succeed. Instead, the Western powers had decided to escalate the situation by demanding immediate reparations and restoration of their companies' shares. And the threat of sanctions for failing to bow to their wishes was the equivalent of holding a loaded gun to his head.

    As President Sukarno pondered his dwindling number of options, he came to one inescapable conclusion. That the Colonial powers had turned their backs on Indonesia and believed that they could order his country about like a wayward child. Well, no more. Reaching a decision, he picked up the phone and made a call.
     
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    • Story Post 6
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    • May 1, 1957
    Jakarta, Indonesia

    The Soviet Ambassador to Indonesia, D.A. Zhukov, sat across from President Sukarno as the two men sipped tea. The Indonesian President had asked for this meeting just yesterday following the events at the UN in New York. President Sukarno was eternally grateful that his country was on the other side of the International Date Line as now he and Ambassador Zhukov would have additional time to discuss "matters of mutual interest." While no formal agreements are made, by the end of the day, both men reach an informal understanding with each other.

    Upon his return to his embassy, Ambassador Zhukov sends a priority message to Moscow, both informing them of the outcome of his meeting and requesting their approval of the understanding he had reached with President Sukarno. Within hours, he receives a reply instructing him to proceed and assure President Sukarno of Moscow's support. After acknowledging Moscow's reply, Ambassador Zhukov returns to Merdeka Palace and informs President Sukarno of Moscow's decision.
     
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    • Story Post 7
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    • May 1, 1957
    Manhattan, NY, USA

    The United States proposed resolution fails. Despite the Security Council voting 10-1 in favor, no sanctions will be applied to Indonesia. The Soviet Union had used it's veto power to kill the resolution. Though the United States acted quickly to spin the defeat into a solid propaganda victory, claiming that their resolution had broad international support, in real terms it was a defeat.

    The extent of the defeat was amplified when Ambassador Lodge tried to speak to Indonesian Ambassador Tjondronegoro following the defeat of the resolution. When Mr Lodge told Mr Tjondronegoro that he wished to discuss the seizures, he was informed in a curt tone of voice that the United States would receive Indonesia's response "in due time."
     
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    • Story Post 8
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    • May 1,1957
    Brooklyn, NY, USA

    The future USS Independence catches fire while under construction at the New York Naval Shipyard. The blaze begins when a cigarette butt is careless discarded at the end of the working day and lands on a pile of oily rags that had been used to wipe up grease during the installation of the ship's turbines. What began as a small fire is not noticed for hours. By the time the smoke and flames are seen rising from the ship, the blaze had already incinerated multiple compartments, including all the major machinery spaces and was in danger of spreading throughout the rest of the ship.
     
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    • Story Post 9
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    • May 3, 1957
    Brooklyn, NY, USA

    The fire on Independence is finally brought under control just before 1400, though parts of the vessel will continue to burn for several days still. Naval constructors, engineers and damage control experts begin inspecting the parts of the ship they can access almost immediately. Large parts of the ship are blackend almost beyond recognition. The fire in her Number 1 Turbine Room was the worst though. The massive turbine had been completely destroyed. Among the men inspecting the massive new ship, a single opinion was being formed: the Navy was not going to like this.
     
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    • Story Post 10
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    • May 12, 1957
    Washington, DC, USA

    Admiral Aleigh Burke, the Chief of Naval Operations sighed heavily. The fire in Brooklyn on the Independence had thrown a huge wrench into the Navy's plans. The initial damage reports were sitting on his desk and they weren't good. The best case estimate was a two year delay in completing the ship. The worst case was that she was a total constructive loss. They wouldn't know which it would end up being for at least another month. This was just one more problem pilled on top of all the other mundane issues he dealt with on a daily basis.

    No one seemed to be on the same page as anyone else anymore. Congress wanted the Navy to reduce expenditures, his Fleet Commanders wanted more money for training, his Type Commanders wanted more new ships built and more older ones overhauled. In February he had finally worked out a deal where the planned overhaul of Lake Champlain was cancelled and instead the money would be used for training while Congress agreed not to delay, or outright cancel, awarding the contract for Enterprise, whose projected costs were continuing to climb. In his opinion, trading an Essex class for a new nuclear powered supercarrier was more than fair.

    But now, with Independence delayed by at least two years he was having to juggle everything again. He needed the extra deck that Indy would have given him. His Fleet Commanders would howl about their extra training funds disappearing, but he really didn't have a choice. Lake Champlain's SCB-125A refit was back on. He'd have to go back to the drawing board to find a way to keep Congress from killing Enterprise before she could even be born. Calling for his aides to get in his office, he began rifling through their options.
     
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    • And that's not even mentioning the wildly expensive missile escorts or the even more wildly expensive Polaris submarines, which OTL completely shanked the Navy's shipbuilding budget for a solid decade.
     
    CV12Hornet said:
    And that's not even mentioning the wildly expensive missile escorts or the even more wildly expensive Polaris submarines, which OTL completely shanked the Navy's shipbuilding budget for a solid decade.
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    Some hard choices will have to be made going forward. Though the Navy will also be looking for creative ways to still get what they want.
     
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