Blood Under Ice: A King Philip's War Game IC

[baboushreturns]

The Murder of John Sassamon and the Trial of Tobias, Wampapaquan, and Mattashunnamo
​

King Philip's War started because of the actions of a man who lived between two worlds. John Sassamon was born a Massachusett, but he was raised in the home of an English fur trapper (who may have held him as an indentured servant). Educated by Puritans, he learned English and adopted Christianity, eventually coming to serve as a translator for them. During the Pequot War, he accompanied the colonial militia, and after the war, he aided John Eliot in translating the King James Bible and proselytizing among the Native Americans. As he came into adulthood, Eliot established Sassamon in the Praying Indian town of Natick as a schoolmaster, and starting in 1653, he took a year of lessons at Harvard's "Indian College".

This upbringing made Sassamon a true believer in Eliot's message and the gospel. Eventually, he quit teaching in Natick to proselytize among unconverted tribes like the Wampanoag. Most Indians strongly rejected Sassamon's message, but Metacom saw a potential edge in his knowledge of the English and took him on as an advisor. For a while, the two were quite close as Metacom learned all he could from the man, but Sassamon's continued attempts to convert the Sachem soured the relationship. In January 1675, Sassamon fled the Wampanoag Confederacy and headed straight to Plymouth. There, he warned Governor Josiah Winslow that Metacom was planning a war. Winslow had little reason to like Metacom, but he dismissed Sassamon's warning. Winslow rarely trusted an Indian at their word.

A few days passed and then Sassamon went missing. He was found at the end of January, his neck snapped, trapped under the ice of Assawompset Pond just east of Swansea. Conspiracies swirled at first, but eventually, a Praying Indian named Patuckson came forward as an eyewitness. He testified that three Wampanoag men committed the murder. The men he pointed to were important to Metacom. The most important was an advisor named Tobias, who had served as Metacom's right hand for many years. The Plymouth militia arrested him alongside his son, Wampapaquan, and another man named Mattashunnamo.

The English convened a jury of twelve colonists and six friendly Indian elders to judge the men. In June, a trial was held and all three were found guilty and executed by firing squad. Indian trust in the English court system was already low. Throughout the 1650s and 60s, the courts regularly inflicted punitive punishment on Native Americans, effectively creating a two-tier justice system in true American fashion. Common punishments for Native Americans included whippings, indentured servitude, and enslavement in Barbados. This contributed to the hatred of the English and the executions of Tobias, Wampapaquan, and Mattashunnamo have proven themselves the spark to light a powder keg. The warriors of the Wampanoag demand retribution. It is now Metacom's decision to decide not if but how this will be done.

@Dadarian, @Theaxofwar, @Greater Ale Perm

---

Welcome all! This post marks the start of the game. To start the first turn, I request orders from Metacom and Weetamoo about how they intend to get their revenge for Tobias, Wampapaquan, and Mattashunnamo. Once I have that, I'll write up another mini-update and likely release an order deadline for all of you. Thanks for your patience, I'm excited to get this thing underway.

 

[baboushreturns]

The Raid on Plymouth​

Towards the middle of June, Metacom was beset by a difficult series of strategic calculations. The settlers of Plymouth Colony outnumbered his Wampanoag several times over. Yet, they were unprepared and arrogant. Despite Sassamon's murder and the trial, there were still only a few prominent Englishmen who believed that King Philip would launch a war. In the early morning hours of June 19, this assumption was violently upturned.

Metacom realized perhaps from the outset that this conflict would be one of survival. Throwing any chance at reconciliation to the wind he moved to send a strong message to Plymouth Colony and to every Englishmen in the Dawnlands. Meeting secretly in the swamps of the Wampanoag heartlands he rallied an army and marched them north. Cutting through the forests and wetlands south of Plymouth he made directly for the provincial capital hoping to avenge himself upon Governor Josiah Winslow personally for the execution of his subjects and the murder of his brother.

The march took three days before Philip's army arrived just south of Plymouth on the night of the 18th. His scouts found the town quiet and its residents going peacefully about their routines. The army continued to watch as midnight came and passed. Then about an hour before dawn Metacom dispatched a small force of raiders forward into the eastern part of Plymouth in an attempt to distract the local militia and draw them out of the heart of the town.

The men advanced and quickly found themselves assaulting the Harlow homestead where they killed old man Harlow himself and captured several of his kin before setting fire to his house. The fire attracted attention as did the war-whoops of the Wampanoag warriors and soon Governor Winslow and his militia were appraised of the situation.

Knowing only of the small raiding party, Winslow led the entire militia out to face them abandoning the center of Plymouth including its main defenses on Fortress Hill in the southwest corner of town. Metacom's scouts quickly reported the situation to him and without a second thought, he sent the Wampanoag army hurtling into the town that now lay nearly defenseless before them. When they arrived in Plymouth fire and blood filled the streets. Some old men and women attempted to resist as best they could but facing an overwhelming number of well armed Wampanoag warriors there was little to be done. Dozens were captured and scores more killed. Even Governor Winslow's family and estate did not escape the sack with his beloved wife Penelope Pelham Winslow captured by one of the Wampanoag warriors before they set his house on fire.

Meanwhile, Governor Winslow succeeded in driving Metacom's raiders off the Harlow family farm. Yet, he did this only to realize the disaster unfolding behind him. The Plymouth militia rushed back up the coast to protect their family and property however Metacom once again foresaw this move and rallied about a hundred of his warriors to ambush the militia as they came back to town. Given the distances involved however, the two forces made contact before the Wampanoag could properly lay their ambush and an active firefight erupted along the Town Brook just southeast of central Plymouth. The Wampanoag initially held the advantage in this fight, yet the Plymouth militia were determined to save their families and did not give ground.

With the sun rising and English reinforcements drawing ever closer Metacom decided to end the attack around 5:15 AM. Moving back to Plymouth he rallied his army and ordered them to withdraw. The men carried what loot they could and made sure to poison Plymouth's wells before withdrawing back south into the swamps and forests that shielded their advance. It was all over by 6.

In the end, the raid on Plymouth claimed the lives of 13 Wampanoag warriors, 19 Plymouth militiamen, and more than 100 Plymouth settlers. The Wampanoag also captured 47 captives and successfully destroyed or damaged several key civil and military installations in Plymouth. Yet, the shockwaves of the raid would be felt far beyond Plymouth. On the morning of the 19th as news of the attack spread across New England rage and fear spread with it. Plymouth was the first settlement of New England and if it could fall nowhere, not even Boston was safe. Retribution against Metacom and his supporters would have to be total. Like Hannibal with the Romans, no true Puritan Englishman can sleep until Metacom is destroyed.

OOC: With this, the game really begins. The first deadline for turn orders is Saturday April 6, at 5 PM Eastern Standard Time.

 

[baboushreturns]

Mosley's March on Ponkapoag​

In the days following the raid on Plymouth, refugees littered the roads heading north towards Boston. If the first town in New England could be attacked like that, then truly no settlement near the Wampanoag border was safe. Hundreds came from Plymouth itself and many others from nearby towns hoping to find safety among the masses of Boston. Yet, the city was not prepared for such an influx, and many of the refugees lived in tents or out in the open on Boston Commons during the first few weeks after the raid.

Many a good Puritan questioned how God could allow such a disaster to befall them. Answers to this question varied, but most Massachusetts and Plymouth Puritans agreed that Metacom's raid was a form of divine judgment. The Lord had allowed the heathens to ravage them because of their sins. Some men took this further, arguing that the presence of the Native Americans on the land was the sin that had inspired God's fury and that it was their job to seize all of it in his name. One of the main apostles espousing this outlook was a wealthy Bostonian named Samuel Mosley.

Mosley was a cooper by trade, but in 1665 he married Ann Addington, who came from one of the leading families of the colony. With her fortune, he became well-established in Boston, forming close ties with many members of the colonial elite. When news of the raid on Plymouth reached Boston, Mosley supported a motion by the city council to raise a force of two militia companies (~200 men) to defend the colony. Yet, feeling that this in itself was insufficient, Mosley raised another company of volunteers with his own funds and placed himself in command. Many of the men who joined Mosley's company were bitter refugees or sailors with experience fighting the Dutch and French. On the whole, they were a violent and unscrupulous lot and on June 23, Mosley led a mob of soldiers and civilians in attacking a group of Praying Indians (Massachusett) on the outskirts of Boston. Several of the men they attacked were badly injured and one was crippled from the waist down.

Governor Leverett was informed of these events and held little love for Mosley, yet he needed the soldiers and decided to allow the ruffian to raise his volunteer company. At the same time though, Leverett attempted to restrain Mosley's most xenophobic tendencies by writing him several letters urging restraint and reiterating the motto divide and conquer. Yet Mosley was not a man who saw divisions among the Native Americans. In his mind, Metacom's warriors were successful at Plymouth only because of the sloth and incompetence of the English governors and because of the cooperation of numerous praying Indians who were obviously a fifth column intent on the destruction of the colony.

On June 25, Mosley lashed out against the Praying Indians once again when he led a march of soldiers and civilians to the town of Ponkapoag, just about 10 miles south of Boston. Once there, he unleashed his mob upon the missionary town, looting and raising several parts of it. Most of the Praying Indians fled off into the hinterlands around the settlement, but Mosley captured about 12 of them, including 3 children, and led them back to Boston in chains. There, he accused them of conspiring to murder Englishmen and demanded a trial and their executions. The sight of the chained Praying Indians elicited cheers of joy from the refugees and many scared Bostonians who started viewing Mosley as a hero. Within the governor's mansion, Mosley was viewed as a problem more than anything else, but for now, the man's popularity seemed to insulate him.

 

[baboushreturns]

The Pirates of New Holland
​

Dutch merchants and trappers were among the first Europeans to make contact with the tribes of the northern woodlands and Atlantic coast. From their base on Manhattan, they built a trade network stretching far into the interior, eventually becoming the main rivals of the French as they backed the Haudenosaunee in their extensive wars for control over the fur trade. For decades, New Netherland served as a check against both the British and the French as it effectively maintained a third front for both powers. Yet in 1667, the Peace of Breda upended this balance, recognizing effective British control over the colony and establishing New York in its place. The Dutch were eager to regain their colony though and in 1673 they dispatched a flotilla of 21 ships (the largest ever seen in the region) to recapture its capital, New Amsterdam. They succeeded and for a brief period, Dutch power radiated outward once again.

In 1674, the governor of Dutch Curaçao dispatched Captain Jurriaen Aernoutsz north with the frigate Flying Horse. His orders were to reach New Amsterdam and use it as a base to prey upon French and British shipping. However, by the time Aernoutsz reached the waters off Hudson Bay, word of peace between Holland and Britain had reached New Amsterdam and the entire colony was returned to British hands. This was not good news for Aernoutsz, but he was undeterred. Taking advantage of the peace, he sailed into New York and met an English merchant there named John Rhoades. Rhoades was familiar with Maine and French Acadia and convinced the Dutch captain to try to conquer Acadia. Rhoades agreed to serve as the expedition's guide and took an oath to the Netherlands before the pair set off once again that July.

On August 10, they arrived at Fort Pentaguoet and took it in a battle lasting less than two hours. The French garrison of 30 was no match for 110 angry Dutchmen. Having taken the fort, which also served as the capital of French Acadia, they seized the governor of the colony and shipped him with the fort's artillery back to Boston. Governor Leverett paid a pretty price for both prizes and Captain Aernoutsz spent the rest of the month pillaging the coast of Acadia and seizing the French outpost at Jemseg. Yet, with winter fast approaching, the Dutchmen decided to return to Curaçao, leaving Rhoades and some of his officers and men to maintain this newborn colony of New Holland.

Left without their frigate, the men who stayed behind outfitted three smaller ships for privateering. Rhoades commanded one of them, while Dutch officers named Peter Roderigo and Cornelius Andreson commanded the other two. Roderigo led the group. That winter, they patrolled the waters around Pentaguoet and Jemseg, looking for merchantmen to capture. Finding that British ships were far more numerous in the region than French ones, they began attacking the British. That February, Roderigo's ship Edward and Thomas captured the ship of an English fur trader named George Manning. Approving of his ship, Roderigo threatened to maroon Manning if he didn't swear an oath to Holland and join the privateer fleet. Left with little choice, Manning agreed and the group spent the early spring of 1675, attacking English merchant traffic in the Gulf of Maine.

Back in Boston, merchants were in an uproar about the raids and the affair did not escape the attention of Governor Leverett. In March, the General Court of Massachusetts Bay voted to form a small fleet to protect the colony's trade and a few weeks later, the fleet sailed north. On May 4, they were about 25 miles northeast of Fort Lyall when a massive storm descended on the fleet and scattered its ships. The following day, Roderigo and Rhoades came upon one of the battered ships and beat it into submission. Towing their prize back to port, they quickly left the scene. Meanwhile, it took the English several days to realize what had happened and when they did, the battered Massachusetts fleet sailed south to seek repair at Ipswich. Since then, an uneasy new status quo has prevailed.


OOC: Peter Roderigo is open for any player interested in leading New Holland to glory!

@Zorakov @Zincvit @VaneEerus

​

 

[baboushreturns]

Plymouth's Army and The Raid on Dartmouth​

The hours after Metacom left Plymouth were full of chaos, sorrow, and shock in the shattered town. Governor Winslow did not make a move to pursue the marauders despite the abduction of dozens, including his wife, instead focusing on picking up the pieces. Fires were put out, the wounded tended to, and the dead buried. As mid-day approached on the 20th, militia poured in from all the towns within 15 miles of Plymouth. By the end of the day, New England's first town was home to an army of more than 500.

Yet, their situation was not good. With Plymouth's grain stores burnt and its armory destroyed, Winslow's government lacked many of the means by which wars are waged. Without Plymouth's armory, the colony had at hand only enough matchlocks to arm some of the assembled militia and it lacked the powder to send them on a prolonged campaign. Meanwhile, with Plymouth's granary destroyed, all the food for the army and those civilians who remained would need to be hauled in from the towns of the Cape or sailed from Boston at high cost.

Meeting a day later in a small stable that survived the raid, the General Court of Plymouth voted to approve funds to raise an army of around 400 men. Winslow ordered the excess militia home afterward, and using food purchased from Boston merchants, he fed the army and put them to work rebuilding Plymouth, starting with a new palisade and garrison house on Fortress Hill. However, in Winslow's presence, debates raged between his lieutenants. Some argued for a counter-offensive against Metacom aimed at occupying his capital and immediately freeing the captives, while others argued that until the army's supply situation was more fully resolved, such an effort was futile. Benjamin Church fell into a middle camp and argued only for a reconnaissance in force to determine where King Philip had gone and what the intentions of the Wampanoag were. Leveraging his knowledge of the Wampanoag and specifically of the region around Buzzard's Bay, he convinced Governor Winslow to send him after Metacom with a company of 90 men.

Setting out on the 21st, Church probed ahead cautiously, wary of an ambush in the forest south of Plymouth. However, no ambush came and instead, he found Metacom's trail. Tracking it across the forest, his men eventually emerged from the woods, and on the morning of the 22nd, they encountered a family of Wampanoag from the village of Agawam. Unsure of their identities or intentions, Church sent his men to investigate, and the civilians fled except for an old man who decided to die trying to protect his family from the English.

Regretting the death, Church took his corpse and some possessions that had been dropped in the chase to the village and returned them with great humility. His men may not of liked it but this strategy succeeded and although most of the Wampanoag fled at Church's approach, those who remained told him that Metacom's next destination was likely Dartmouth. Satisfied and reluctant to expose his men by pushing further, Church returned north, bringing news to Winslow of this discovery. Yet, Winslow had no intention of acting to block Metacom or save Dartmouth, instead opting to wait for reinforcements from Massachusetts.

Tragically for the citizens of Dartmouth, by the time Winslow made that decision, it was already too late for them. On the 20th, Metacom's army passed through the forest south of Plymouth and into the tidal wetlands south of it. That night, they stopped at the village of Agawam to celebrate the victory, and several of the warriors who had joined Metacom left to return with their loot to their villages. Metacom also bid farewell to his trusted advisor, Annawan, who led a large party to an undisclosed location in the western reaches of the Wampanoag domains. These departures were somewhat offset by young men from Agawam who now were excited to join in on the next raid and the following morning Metacom's remaining force set off for Dartmouth.

Just a few leagues from the town, they met with Sachem Totoson of the Mattapoisett. His band of Wampanoag were eager to aid Metacom's cause, and he outlined Dartmouth's defenses to the warlord. The following morning, Metacom unleashed his army on the town. Striking as soon as the sun came up, the pilgrims were unprepared. Having not yet heard of the raid on Plymouth, some were caught in their beds. Yet, Dartmouth was a well-defended town boasting three garrison houses. These buildings always were built with logs big enough to stop a bullet and rose up two stories tall to offer the defender a good vantage point from which to face any attack. Metacom's men were able to capture one of them through stealth, but villagers fleeing the initial attack were able to raise the alarm, leading civilians and militiamen to rally inside the two others.

One of these houses was on an island in the middle of the Acushnet River, so Metacom decided to ignore it. However, the other sat near the beach on the far west side of town and it came under sustained attack. Improvising on the spot, the Wampanoag warriors stacked dry grass high on a wooden cart and set it on fire before charging it towards the house. This tactic worked when most of the militiamen inside were pinned down, but it came at the cost of 3 of the 4 men who volunteered to push the contraption.

When the day ended, Dartmouth was in ashes. Of 30 homes, only one the garrison house in the Acushnet River still stood. And of a pre-raid population of 180, 80 were captured, 40 killed, and 60 were able to escape. The town's militia of 50 was effectively disbanded. With another violent act, Metacom had reclaimed ancestral Wampanoag land. The question is how long his grip will last.

@Thiccroy @Dadarian @Greater Ale Perm @Theaxofwar

 

[baboushreturns]

The Raids of July 2nd and Hutchinson's Surprise
​

In the hours after the raid on Dartmouth, grey clouds swept across the land and unleashed a deluge of rain and lightning. For two days, neither the Wampanoag nor the British dared stray far from their camps. However, once the storm passed, the war resumed with renewed fury. The first piece of news to reach Plymouth after the storm came from the town of Sandwich on the cape. The local militia captain reported repelling a small-scale Wampanoag raid on his town despite the loss of a few livestock. Several members of the General Court from Plymouth urged Governor Winslow to burn Wampanoag settlements in that area in reprisal, yet he ignored the entire affair.

Instead, all eyes turned to the strategic towns of Middleborough, Swansea, and Taunton. All built along the northwestern border of the Wampanoag Confederacy, together they served as a geographic block separating the Wampanoag and the Nipmuc. The towns also provided significant offensive potential for the English, ensuring them a base from which many of the most important Wampanoag settlements were only a few days march away or less. With these considerations in mind, Metacom led his army out into the field once again to bring destruction down on the English. Leaving their fortified camp on July 2, Metacom's army moved against Middleborough first.

A little town of 75 residents, it would've probably been an easy conquest for the Wampanoag had they attacked it in the first days of the conflict. However, news of the sack of Plymouth and the raid on Dartmouth had gradually made its way west, and the townspeople were frightened but prepared. Upon learning that a war had broken out, local militiamen evacuated themselves and their families to a small fortress on the outskirts of Middleborough. From there, they hoped to wait out to the storm while sending messengers west and east, begging the men of Plymouth and Boston for reinforcements.

By July 2nd, Governor Leverett had agreed to dispatch aid from Boston, yet none had arrived yet. That meant that when Metacom's army entered Middleborough, no one came out to resist them and they were able to burn every house in the small town without suffering a scratch. Yet, Metacom had little stomach for besieging or assaulting Middleborough's fortress and so he left the town's residents unharmed, instead opting to move west and to launch an assault on Taunton.

Arriving late in the day, his men found the bustling settlement nearly deserted. Like the inhabitants of Middleborough, the Pilgrims of Taunton hid within their garrison houses upon learning of the Wampanoag attacks. Unfortunately, these houses could not fit all 500 of the town's residents and some remained in their homes scattered about town. Metacom hoped his raids would provoke a reaction from the English and so, moving again to strike property but not necessarily take lives, his men moved into Taunton and began burning the parts of it they could reach without coming under fire from the garrison houses. These efforts culminated in the destruction of about a quarter of the settlement and the abduction of 35 settlers, along with the killing of 15 more.

Returning home with his loot, the Wampanoag arrived back at their camp late that night and spent much of the next day resting and recuperating from their exertions. Yet, Metacom's mind was anything but calm. He expected a colonial counterattack at any moment but was instead met with silence. Little did he know the silence was about to break in dramatic fashion as decisions made in Boston and Plymouth were about to culminate in the first true battle of the war.

Although Massachusetts Bay Colony had so far escaped the war untouched, Governor Leverett was concerned by the plea of the people of Swansea and Taunton and on July 1st, he ordered 400 recently raised Massachusetts militiamen to join Captain Mosley in Plymouth colony. 200 of them under Major Thomas Savage marched to reinforce Taunton while the rest marched to relieve Middleborough via Plymouth under the command of Captain Edward Hutchinson (son of famed Antinomian Anne Hutchinson who was killed by Native Americans during Kieft's War). Savage's column arrived safely in Taunton on July third, greatly bolstering the defenses of the town. However, Hutchinson was still on the road only reaching Plymouth that night.

While there, Governor Winslow met only briefly with the newcomer, thanking him for coming to the aid of Plymouth, yet declining to provide any assistance to his force. Instead, Hutchinson spent the night with Captain Mosley and, excited by the prospect of combat, Mosley decided to attach his command to Hutchinson's expedition. Setting out at 5:30 AM the following morning, the pair made slow progress. The problem was not the size of their force or the laziness of the men, but rather that Wampanoag axemen had been working since the start of the conflict to down trees on the road between Plymouth and Middleborough. This forced them to slow their march constantly to move the trees or to attempt to get around them so that by the time they were nearing Middleborough, it was getting close to 4 PM.

These long excursions provided ample time for Metacom's scouts to bring word of the miltia's approach to him and, relieved that the Puritans were finally acting as he expected them to, he led nearly his entire army out of camp to confront them. The march to the turnpike west of Middleborough was a short one for them and Metacom ended up positioning his army on a ridge overlooking a spot on the road, with a ridge on one side and a pond on the other. Metacom moved frantically to get his men into position, placing most on top of the ridge and a small flanking force in a ravine to the west of it.

The ambushers did not have to wait long, as after just a few minutes, the front of the militia column came into sight. The Wampanoag waited patiently as the front of the column came and passed the ridge. Then once the middle of the formation was in front of them, Metacom gave a signal and the entire ridgeline erupted with the sound and site of musket fire. The British were immediately disoriented by this blow and soon chaos reigned. In the front of the column, Captain Hutchinson attempted to rally the men and lead them in a counterattack up the ridge. This might've succeeded, however, the Wampanoag proved to be determined defenders and when a musket-ball hit Hutchinson and mortally wounded him; the attack stalled and then broke apart.

Sensing opportunity knocking, Metacom ordered his men to charge. War clubs and tomahawks in hand, they came screaming down the rocky ridge and set upon the militia like wolves. Disoriented, tired, demoralized, and now leaderless men in the front and middle of the column broke and ran, some throwing down their weapons to get away faster. Only in the rear of the formation was Captain Mosley able to keep order and the remaining militiamen rallied around him as he led a fighting retreat back to Plymouth. Arriving there that night, news of the defeat spread across New England like wildfire again setting off a set of political earthquakes that threatened to upend the British war effort and destroy the career of Plymouth's Governor, Josiah Winslow.

 

[VaneEerus]

Massachusetts' reaction to Hutchinson's demise.​

After Governor Leverett received word from the events in Plymouth concerning the militiamen he had sent to help the current situation of its neighbouring Colony, and of the disastrous events that led to Hutchison's early departure of this world, he knew he had to make an announcement as soon as possible. Lest he be made responsible of this disastrous situation by unfounded yet circulating rumors making him guilty of the fate of what where ultimately his men.
He chose to adress a speech to the population of his Colony the very next day, which was transcribed as follows:



"Citizens of Massachusetts, I have dire news for you.

As you acted bravely in the face of foreign agression, taking arms and rushing to aid your needing neighbours using your own resources in this order of business, your courage was not met with the proper enthusiasm.

I heard news that our brethren leaving for Plymouth have been ambushed in the very territory of our neighbouring Colony. How could this be, unless Plymouth's very heart lays still whilst savages plunder the lands of its decent colonists? For it was that and nothing more that cost us our men and powder: lazyness and poor to no surveilance of the woods and swamps that scour Plymouth's territory.

I am under profound grief for our fallen heroes, and utterly shocked that our swift aid provided to Governor Winslow encountered little to no response in terms of preparation to host our valiant forces. I only ask of my southern colleague that he aid me in the harduous task of keeping our men alive, the population in and the savages out.

What order of plea and supplication must I make to resonate in the hearts of the once valiant colonists of Plymouth, the very first envoys of our glorious kingdom to thus new and promissing world, so as for them to take up arms, scout their woods, regain control of their lands, and secure their homes and families?

Now of course I do not lay blame on the fine inhabitants of Plymouth, it is out of their control to correct their administration's mistakes and tardive action. Thus I speak not only to them but also to the refugees that sought help from the proud Massachusetts Bay Colony when I say to hold no fear in their hearts, we will not stop after a single obstacle. We will push on, and guarantee the safety of your kindred and ensure the future of your children.

We make a call to all men of Plymouth willing to aid, join your local militia, cooperate with the forces coming from Massachusetts Bay, scout the neighbouring woods and make the arrival of armaments, support and supplies a steady and safe one. Together, we will put an end to this miserable onslaught that hurls you away from your homes.

I make a solemn promise out of it: your suffering may be great, but to those that shed english blood with eager agression we promise worse ends in this profane world and worse judgment still from our Lord in Heaven. With your cooperation, and my steady administration, we will triumph.

May God keep us favored in the field of battle,

Governor John Leverett of Massachusetts Bay Colony"

 

[baboushreturns]

A Battle in the Bay and the Siege of Fort Pentagouët
​

French settlement at Fort Pentagouët started in 1613 with a small outpost manned by only a handful of merchants and fur trappers. Constructed near the junction of Penobscot Bay and the Bagaduce River, its location ensured access both to the interior and the coast. Over the years, it grew into a bustling frontier town of sorts. Trade with the Penobscot and other Abenaki nations provided a constant source of furs for export, and in return, the French offered up European-manufactured trade goods that began reshaping many aspects of Abenaki society. Like French outposts in the Great Lakes region, Fort Pentagouët did not exist in an area of true French control but rather a middle ground in which the outpost existed only with local Indigenous people's permission and active support.

As trade ties with the Penobscot broadened and the threat posed by Plymouth and Massachusetts Bay grew, Pentagouët became more well-populated and defended. In the 1630s, an energetic young French nobleman named Charles de Menou d'Aulnay de Charnisay established a European-style fortress at the site, complete with a church, barracks, gunpowder magazine, governor's mansion, and armorer's workshop. From that point on, the fort would come to define the settlement, and its workshop and gunpowder stores would come to be two of the most critical resources for Indigenous people living in the region.

Over just a few decades, Abenaki hunters came to rely on their firearms more than any other tool. This meant constant maintenance was required, along with constant access to powder and shot. In southern New England, many tribes like the Narragansett and Pocumtuc possessed blacksmiths capable of maintaining their weapons. Yet, in the north, the Penobscot lacked trained smiths of their own and, therefore, were forced to rely on the smiths and depots of Fort Pentagouët to keep their weapons maintained and procure new ones. Powder was also a major problem for all Indigenous nations. Unlike guns and their parts, all Indigenous nations lacked the knowledge and means to produce gunpowder, and even during the 1670s, no colony was able to produce it domestically either. Therefore, tons of it had to be shipped from Europe to North America every year to maintain the trade and diplomatic relations of the continent.

That is, in large part, why the Dutch attack on Fort Pentagouët came as an unwelcome surprise to the Penobscot. Not only did the Captain Aernoutsz abduct inhabitants of the Fort (only to sell them back to French authorities in Quebec) and degrade its defenses, but he also destroyed the armorer's workshop that maintained the Penobscot's weapons and significantly curtailed their access to new gunpowder. This created an untenable situation for the Penobscot that the 23-year-old Jean-Vincent d'Abbadie de Saint-Castin successfully exploited to his (and New France's) advantage in the early summer of 1675.

Meeting in council with his father-in-law and other prominent tribal leaders at a seasonal camp deep in the interior, Castin successfully prevailed upon the Penobscot to launch an attack against the Dutch invaders in hopes of reclaiming the fort for New France. With the aid of Chief Sachem Modackawando, Castin assembled an army of hundreds in June and set off marching south down the Penobscot River until the force reached the former outskirts of the settlement at Fort Pentagouët in early July. There they found a small Dutch garrison working frantically to rebuild the walls of Pentagouët. Had it been this contingent alone Castin's army would've quickly overrun the outpost. Yet, in the harbor anchored right next to the fortress were two sloops. One was the damaged prize taken by Roderigo and Rhoades during their battle against Massachusetts Bay back in May, but the other was the fully armed and crewed Sea Saraph captained by Rhoades.

Castin resolved to make this his first target, hoping to capture the fortress by capturing the ships. To effect this plan, he deployed the Penobscot fleet, a mish-mash of war canoes and shallops which he hoped would prove capable against the Dutch. Unfortunately, the events that followed were an unmitigated disaster for the Penobscot. Setting out around 1 PM on July 12, Castin set sail with his small fleet into the bay near Fort Pentagouët. Passing the point on which the fort is built, Castin's fleet surprised Rhoades, and initially, he was on the back foot as his men scrambled to raise their anchor and get to battle stations. Yet, once Rhoades was able to bring the Sea Saraph's artillery to bear the battle went all downhill for the Penobscot. The first few shots from the Saraph skimmed and skipped by the Penobscot fleet. Encouraged by this, Castin attempted to send his canoes toward the sloop to draw the artillery fire away from the shallops so that the whole fleet could eventually approach the Sea Saraph and board her.

Instead of that happening the Anglo-Dutch gunners eventually found their mark and cratered one of the shallops with a single shot. Then, when the canoes started to get close to the Saraph, English marksmen onboard began pouring gunfire into the exposed craft, which caused many of their crews to panic and flee or accidentally capsize their boats. Watching this, the men onboard the shallops became demoralized, and when the Sea Saraph's artillery found its mark again, the entire force fled back up the bay toward the safety of the Penobscot River. In all, some 4 canoes and 2 shallops were lost along with their crews, totaling some 58 warriors.

This loss proved a significant setback for Castin's expedition, yet it was not crippling. Despite some protests from the men still under his command, Castin convinced the majority of his army to remain committed to the siege, and the next day, he sent out his best marksmen to begin sniping at the garrison of the fort. This tactic proved effective as it essentially halted all further work to reconstruct the walls and caused the garrison to spend most of their time hiding behind the walls of the barracks and church. As July progressed, more than half the garrison was successfully dispatched, causing significant concerns for Rhoades, who had assumed effective command at the fortress.

Peter Roderigo was not present at the scene because he was busy patrolling the waters off Penobscot Bay to enforce a Dutch (VOC) trade embargo on Acadia. These efforts were not successful, as English and French merchants had learned to stay away from the coast near Fort Pentagouë in recent months. Yet, he was alerted to the situation developing there on July 25 and dispatched his subordinate Cornelius Anderson and his ship, the Penobscot Shallop, to reinforce Rhoades.

When he arrived on July 31, the situation remained somewhat of a stalemate. The Penobscot continued their sniping, yet no efforts had been made to actually storm the fortress, and the Dutch still possessed undisputed control over the seas. Yet, the conditions inside the fortress were appalling for its garrison, which spent most of their time living in cramped, miserable conditions inside their buildings. Meanwhile, on the Penobscot side logistical problems were becoming a real concern. Their supply of gunpowder had certain finite constraints, which meant that this sniping campaign would eventually become unsustainable without further stocks being made available. As August approaches, the war in the north may be poised to enter a new stage.

​

 

[baboushreturns]

The Affairs of Connecticut Colony June-July 1675
​

Separated by Rhode Island and the Narragansett from the bloody war raging out east, Connecticut seemed an island of stability to many colonists amidst the storm battering New England during the summer of 1675. Yet, that image of serenity did not quite match the reality on the ground. In April, Governor John Winthrop the Younger received a letter from Governor Sir Edmund Andros asserting New York's claim to all the lands west of the Connecticut River up to and including Hartford. This border dispute led to a military build-up along Connecticut's western border, and as June came and went, the two British colonies seemed to be on the verge of war.

Attempting to walk his colony back from the brink, Governor Winthrop dispatched a series of letters to London, Plymouth, and Boston, painting Andros as an opportunist and a scoundrel intent on spilling British blood for his own personal gain. Across New England, this narrative was well-received, as many of the Puritans already resented Andros for his Anglicanism and monarchism, however, in London, the letters generally fell on eyes blinded by the love King Charles II felt for Sir Andros and the annoyance he felt towards the Puritan colonies.

Back in Connecticut, Governor Winthrop also sought to guarantee the safety of his colony by raising an army for its defense. Worried about Andros's ambitions and then surprised by the raid on Plymouth and subsequent battles, the General Court of Connecticut agreed to meet the governor's request and voted to raise an army of 500 men, including 75 dragoons. Winthrop ordered half of them stationed on the western frontier to protect against Andros, while the other half took up positions at New London to protect against any threat from the east. Winthrop also procured the use of a brigantine and four sloops (all lightly armed) from several New England merchants in order to provide transport and logistical services for the army. Sustaining this force would be quite expensive, and it would prove difficult, if not impossible, to raise more men for some time unless a great need arose.

Winthrop also was quite active on the diplomatic front in June and July 1675. Working alongside his old friend and companion Robin Cassacinamon (Sachem of the Pequot), Winthrop sent envoys bearing gifts to the Niantic, Mohegan, Wagunk, Podunk, Tunxis, Quinnipiac, Paugusett, Wappinger, and Mauntaukett seeking to assure their support or at least neutrality in the war being waged between the New England Confederation and the Wampanoag. This venture proved quite successful, and in New Haven, more than 100 Native American allies quickly assembled to provide support for the army stationed there. Most of them were from the Pequot and Mohegan nations, but a small contingent arrived from the Tunxis as well. The rest of the nations proclaimed their neutrality in the matter.

Unfortunately for Connecticut, these actions would not prove sufficient to deter Sir Andros and his ambitions. On July 30, three well-armed brigantines loaded down with soldiers arrived off the coast of Saybrook bearing a message from the Governor of New York. He made it known that he would enforce a blockade on the Connecticut River until western Connecticut was given up. This action stunned and infuriated the men of Hartford, yet they lacked the means to dislodge the blockade for now, and so the crisis intensified.

 

[baboushreturns]

The Androscoggin Ultimatum
​

Of all the areas the British colonized in New England, none was so rugged or sparsely populated as the coast of Maine. Large-scale agriculture was entirely impossible there. Instead, most settlers relied on catching, butchering, smoking, and salting fish to make ends meet. Coastal swamps provided space to raise fodder for cattle but not much else, and the forests were still too hostile and foreboding for the settlers to exploit for lumber. Of the approximately 40,000-45,000 settlers in New England in 1675, less than 4,000 lived in Maine. Its distance from Boston and the theocratic tendencies of the Puritans also inspired a unique culture in its people. The Puritans perceived the settlers of Maine as highly anti-religious and uncivilized. From the 1630s onward, almost all the towns of Maine were brought before the York County Court repeatedly by the colony for not providing a religious education for their youth or hiring ministers for their communities. Furthermore, the settlers did not possess any interest in converting their Native American neighbors. Of the 14 Praying Indian towns in New England, 0 were in Maine.

However, this did not necessarily mean that relations with the local Abenaki nations were good. In fact, just as the first shots were fired in Plymouth, they were at an all-time low. For decades, French influence had been on the rise among the Abenakis. This caused the politicians in Boston to fear that they'd become a threat to the colony. By 1674, these concerns had grown so much that the General Court of Massachusetts passed laws banning the sale of gunpowder and lead shot to all non-allied Indians on the Maine frontier. This policy hampered the ability of some tribes to hunt or participate in the fur trade, and combined with crop failures, the winter of 1674-75 was a hard one for many Abenaki.

Furthermore, most British settlers in Maine treated the indigenous people with prejudice and contempt. British fishermen and merchant captains often took vulnerable Abenaki as slaves, condemning them to death doing plantation work in the distant Caribbean, or in some cases, they killed them outright. In April 1675, one such incident led to the drowning of the wife of Sagamore Squando, along with his infant son. Reportedly, British sailors came upon the pair as they were canoeing across an open body of water. The sailors wanted to test whether Native Americans were born with the ability to swim and capsized them. Their actions enraged Squando, and although he had been a close ally of the British for most of his life, he soon began to turn the Pequawket Confederacy against them.

Therefore, tensions were already high when news of Metacom's raid on Plymouth reached Maine's regional capital, York, on July 11. Once it did, the most prominent local settlers convened to decide on a course of action. Earlier in 1675, the General Court had appointed a new committee to organize the militiamen of Maine and put it under the control of a Major named Richard Waldron. Waldron earned his rank because of his position as a well-off merchant and land speculator and possessed a well-earned reputation for lying and cheating in deals with the Abenaki. Under his leadership, the men of Maine decided that the best way to secure their safety was to disarm their Native neighbors completely.

Although the settlers possessed an inkling of Squando's turn, they did not approach the Pequawket first. Instead, Waldron led a company of 100 militiamen 70 miles north to the mouth of the Sheepscot River. Those lands were known to be under the control of an aged Androscoggin Sagamore named Rawandagon, known to the local settlers by the derisive nickname "Robin Hood". Approaching his main village, Waldron and his men issued an ultimatum. Rawandagon and his followers were ordered to give up all their guns or be wiped out. Begging poverty and hoping to play for time, Rawandagon gathered up a few old matchlocks and flintlocks and surrendered them to Waldron's militia. This display mollified Waldron, but it angered many Androscoggin and empowered several voices in the Confederacy calling for conflict against the English, including Rawandagon's son Wohawa, known to the English as "Hope Hood."

This left the Androscoggin divided over how to move forward. At 63, Rawandagon had served as Sagamore of the Androscoggin for more than thirty years. His entire career was spent negotiating deals with the settlers that improved his position among the Abenaki and secured the survival of his people in exchange for large tracts of land along the Quabacook (Merrymeeting Bay). In effect, the British provided him with access to European trade goods, making him a powerful middleman in trade routes stretching far into the boreal forests of central Maine and they recognized him as Head Sagamore of the Androscoggin, giving him the authority to represent bands of Androscoggin deep in the interior. These deals allowed him to become more than just the leader of the Androscoggin in name, though, and since the 1660s, many bands from the interior called him their Sagamore.

Yet, as July 1675 came to a close, Rawandagon's reign was nearing its end. His body no longer possessed the physical strength it once did, and in the last week of July, he caught an ailment that left him bedridden and near death. In his place, Wohawa appeared as the obvious heir to the kingdom, yet many prominent Androscoggin leaders remained against any potential conflict with the English. The foremost among them is a Sagamore from the interior village of Rockemecka named Mugg Hegone (meaning Arrow Point). Fluent in English, Hegone often served as a diplomat between the settlers and the Abenaki, sometimes representing the Squando and the Pequawket when asked.

In the aftermath of Waldron's raid, Hegone remained staunchly in favor of the tenuous peace. Yet, he also knew what Squando was planning and so took up one last request from Rawandagon to organize a summit in Rockemeka of all the Sagamores of the Abenaki who could be gathered. Sending out envoys across the Dawnlands requesting aid and advice, he found Sagamore Wonalancet of the Penacook and Sachem Madockawando of the Penobscot, as well as Squando of the Pequawket. Wonalancet would attempt to cool tensions between the more bellicose Abenaki and the settlers by approaching Boston for aid but this attempt fell flat as Governor Leverett held little power over Major Waldron or the settlers in Maine. Meanwhile, Sagamore Madockawando left the Penobscot heartlands with an escort of around 100 warriors. Although it is said Madockawando preferred peace, he hoped to impress his fellow Abenaki with this show of strength.

This meant that as July came to an end a great council was forming in Rockemeka. Leaders of the Penobscot, Pequawket, Androscoggin, and observers from the Penacook all gathered together around the council fire to speak on matters of war and peace.

 

[baboushreturns]

The Battle of Bloody Brook​

Hutchinson's death and the route of the Massachusetts Bay militia marked a new low point for the colonial war effort. In Plymouth and Boston, the reactions were revealing. Governor Winslow's initial reaction was inaction. In the immediate aftermath of the raid, he withdrew to his private tent, set near the ashes of his former house, and said nothing to the militia officers of Plymouth or Captain Mosley about how the army should react to the situation. In this void, frustrations within the command began to boil over. On the night of the 4th, as the tired men of Massachusetts attempted to recover from the day's trials Captain Mosley and Captain Church met by the light of a smoldering campfire. Together, they agreed to take matters into their own hands. If Winslow would not order the army to march, then they would do it themselves; come the morning, they would lead the militia loyal to them out of camp and back to the site of the ambush to look for survivors and perhaps even get revenge. Plans were made and orders went out to the troops to be ready for the morning.

Yet, when morning came, the plot unraveled. Sometime in the night, word got back to Governor Winslow about what was afoot. Faced with a moment of genuine crisis, he finally took action. Waking up well before dawn on the 5th, Winslow summoned his officers and told them all to prepare immediately for a march on Middleborough. He then gave a speech to the militia promising the same his message was well received. Men started packing away their tents, and carts were loaded with supplies of food and equipment, and oxen were prepared for the journey. Unfortunately for Winslow, bad news came from Boston that evening when word reached him that Governor Leverett had ordered Mosley and the Massachusetts Bay militia to remain in Plymouth for the time being (and that Leverett had made a speech castigating Plymouth's performance in the war). The next day heavy rains would delay the expedition for another 24 hours.

Meanwhile, on the other side of the line, the Wampanoag warriors were in a state of jubilation over their unbroken string of successes. In the wake of Hutchinson's Surprise, they'd looted the dead and taken many scalps. Metacom collected enough booty that he was able to hand out British weapons and armor like candy to his followers. Most importantly, however, the victory provided a significant short-term boost to his powder stocks. Yet, things were not all good for Metacom either. Having by now collected much loot in a short time, dozens of Wampanoag warriors left the army and returned home with their loot, hoping to give it over to their families for safekeeping before eventually rejoining Metacom's army in their own time. These losses were partially offset by the arrival of several Nipmuc and Narragansett warriors who were drawn into the Wampanoag Confederacy in the hope of retribution against the British settlers and, hopefully, some loot of their own.

Much to Metacom's chagrin, these reinforcements had not yet reached the army when he was informed mid-morning on July 7th that Governor Winslow had left Plymouth, leading an army of around 300-400. Due to poor scouting work by the colonists, these observers had gone unnoticed, and Metacom again had the time to prepare an ambush. Setting out at once with all the warriors he could muster, the Wampanoag set up another ambush at a site just a few minutes down the road west from where Hutchinson and his men were killed. The army of Plymouth made better time than Hutchinson's detachment did because the Massachusetts Bay militia had painstakingly cleared many of the fallen trees that the Wampanoag had carefully felled in the last few weeks. That said, the road was still quite muddy, and it took the militia until midday to reach the site of the July 4 ambush. There they found the corpses of the Massachusetts militia unburied, and several of them had been mutilated by the Wampanoag warriors. Winslow's men dug a few shallow graves and buried those they could before pressing on.

Only fifteen minutes after leaving the ambush site, they came to a part of the road intersected by a brook running north-south across the path. On drier weeks, the water ran deep enough that an adult could wade through it and only get their feet and shins wet. Yet, given the rain, the water level had come up and it now came up past the knee. Winslow and the vanguard of his force forded this water obstacle easily enough. However, it created a delay as men took their time taking off their shoes and rolling up their pants to wade across this brook. On either side of the brook, hills strewn with mossy rocks looked down onto this scene, and it was from here that the Wampanoag launched their attack.

Governor Winslow had neglected to send an advanced scouting party up the road in front of him or extend flankers into the woods on either side of his column, so it came as a complete surprise when Metacom's men started pouring fire onto the Puritans from the hills overlooking the brook. The Wampanoag's first volley was devastating, and it seemed to the militia as if they were surrounded for a moment. Metacom had ordered his musketeers to load their weapons with a double load of powder, and while the tactic ended up bursting the guns of a few warriors (maiming and killing a handful of men), it also helped obscure the Wampanoag firing positions and made them appear more numerous than they actually were. Reacting to this chaos, Benjamin Church (who'd been assigned to guard the baggage train as a punishment from Winslow) began organizing the wagons into a circular fortress. Winslow seized on this and ran back from the front of the column to the wagons and ordered the militia to make their stand there. Taking their time to light their matchlocks, the militia rallied and eventually were able to return fire from their fortress and recover from the initial shock. The Wampanoag focused on finishing off the militia still stuck on the west side of the brook while Winslow attempted to clear the hills on the east side.

This strategy worked in both cases as Winslow's men successfully pushed uphill against a small Wampanoag contingent and overcame them in a short but violent fight while Metacom's musketeers picked off dozens of panicked militiamen who were badly exposed after the initial ambush. Seeing his warriors retreat from the east bank, Metacom decided to call off the attack, and his force melted back into the forest around Middleborough. Governor Winslow took the reprieve to collect the wounded on the wagons and then pressed on toward his final goal. Metacom was not content to let him reach Middleborough unchallenged, however, and throughout the rest of the day, Wampanoag warriors fought a rolling skirmish with the Plymouth militia until they reached Middleborough proper. When they did Metacom called off the assault and now truly withdrew off into the woods. In Middleborough, the residents were jubilant. The people said they'd prayed to God many times every day for their salvation knowing that the Devil was at their door. The men of Plymouth finally scored their first victory. Yet, Winslow had gotten lucky. Had he been shot in the moment of first contact, the battle would've likely been another route. Meanwhile, Metacom had failed in his goal but his army survived to fight another day. In total, the losses from the battle were 56 Plymouth militia killed or grievously injured to 33 of the Wampanoag.

 

[baboushreturns]

The Price of Peace
​

As Roger Williams fled in the dead of winter through the woods of Massachusetts, little could he have known how much his world would soon change. That winter was bitter and it almost killed him. Yet, as Williams neared the end of his strength Sachem Massasoit pulled him from the cold and the Pokanoket spent weeks bringing him back to health before letting him on his way. The colony he went on to found was exceptional for its time. Separated by only a few decades from the sectarian hatred of the 30 Years War or the Wars of the Three Kingdoms and a blatant rejection of the theocratic government of the Puritans, Roger Williams founded a colony that was open to all people.

The first to arrive were other Puritan dissenters who like Williams faced persecution by the religious authorities of Boston, Plymouth, and Hartford. However, within a few decades the colony became home to a mix of Quakers, Baptists, Congregationalists, Catholics, and Jews. Nowhere else in New England could such religious diversity be found in so little space. Unfortunately, this strength was also Rhode Island's great weakness. Numerically Rhode Island pailed in comparison to the bigger colonies on its borders and shut out of the New England Confederation (despite rendering aid to Connecticut during the Pequot War), Rhode Island was forced to position itself in a way to protect from its European neighbors and its Indigenous ones.

To secure Rhode Island's vulnerable flanks against these threats, its leaders always sought to cultivate close ties to the Narragansett and Wampanoag. With both nations bordering the colony to the east and west their good will ensured that no army could ever march directly from Plymouth to the shores of Narragansett Bay. King Philip's War threw a wrench in this scheme. It overturned the established order and brought chaos to the region. Yet, chaos can bring opportunity and although most Rhode Islanders preferred to remain uninvolved neither Governor Coddington nor Roger Williams thought Rhode Island could afford to ignore the issue.

Instead both sought to capitalize on it. As news of the raid on Plymouth spread across New England, Governor Coddington decided to make a bold move. Dispatching emissaries to King Philip he negotiated a deal with the feared warlord. In exchange for male captives (and Penelope Pelham, wife of Governor Winslow) taken by the Wampanoag in their raids, Coddington agreed to hand over supplies of food, powder, and shot along with a handful of horses. These resources were all vital to the Wampanoag war effort and the deal improved Metacom's supply situation markedly. Yet, Coddington also gained from the arrangement.

As Metacom's army hit town after town in Plymouth Colony, hundreds of refugees started to pour into Rhode Island from across the border. The first of them came from Dorchester but by mid-July the numbers had gotten so high that the Governor developed a strategy for dealing with the influx. At first, he ordered the refugees spread across the colony and resettled in the coastal communities on the west side of Narragansett Bay and on the east side of Aquidneck Island since these were the areas that were theoretically at the greatest risk of any outside attack. Unsatisfied with these preparations alone, Coddington also had the local militia begin constructing a strong palisade around Providence.

Yet, this was certainly not the full breadth of Coddington's ambition. Using a mix of the ransomed prisoners and refugees, Coddington established a settlement called Freedtown on the eastern side of the Blackstone River (near modern South Attleboro) in an area that had long been a border zone contested by both Rhode Island and Plymouth. At the end of July, work on the town was far from finished but the promise of safety was a powerful allure and dozens of settlers from Plymouth had fled there in hope of escaping the war. Some of the resources for these ventures came from Massachusetts Colony, where local merchants spearheaded by Governor Leverett rushed to expand trade links with Rhode Island as soon as King Philip's War broke out in an effort to bring the colony over to the side of the New England Confederation.

Meanwhile, Roger Williams pursued a somewhat different strategy to ensure the survival of his colony. Like Coddington, by 1675 Roger Williams was a tired man in his 70s, yet like his peer the war between the Wampanoag and Plymouth roused him to action once again. Returning to his roots as a pamphleteer, Williams penned several tracks pinning responsibility for the war on the bloody impositions of "warlike princes" (an allusion both to Metacom and Winslow) and the intolerance of the other colonial governments even as he condemned the massacres and hostage taking done by Metacom's warriors. This stance was quite popular in Providence and many Englishmen who feared the implications of this war and hoped for peace soon rallied around Roger Williams there hoping that he could be the diplomat to save New England from this catastrophe.

Williams himself was sceptical about the chances for peace however, and he used his influence in Providence to get his sons, Freeborn Williams and Providence Williams elected as officers in the local militia. Using their official power and his clout and personal wealth, Williams could call up a force of about fifty militia who were personally loyal to him. He used this power to aid Coddington in raising a palisade around the town but he also took this vision a step further. Perhaps, inspired by the native allies that Connecticut regularly called upon, Williams sent several agents (merchants in his employ) to approach the Narragansetts with an interesting offer. He'd pay a high price in wampum for any warrior who was willing to join his militia. Although Williams merchants respected Narragansett cultural practices around gift giving and several other cultural taboos they also attempted to ignore the leading Sachems of the Narragansett Confederacy. This led to the eventual ejection of several of the merchants from Narragansett towns as their Sachems felt insulted by the attempt. However, Williams' word and the promise of spiritual health that can only be conferred by lots of wampum was enough to turn some heads and about 10 Narragansett and Niantic warriors eventually agreed to come to Providence to serve as scouts. How long they'll remain there seems an open question.

 

[baboushreturns]

A Handful of Hurt
​

War is like fire; once it is lit, sometimes nobody can tell you how far it will spread or how many people it will burn. A general can win every battle in such conflicts and still put his nation through the worst trials imaginable. As early July faded, Metacom was forced to consider this uncomfortable reality. The defeat at Bloody Brook was a setback that revealed the constraints of Metacom's power. His nation was mobilized, and his army was well-equipped and motivated, yet he lacked the ability to strike a knockout blow. Instead, with each passing week, the ranks of the settler militias grew while his own warband had begun to wither. Numerical inferiority did not necessarily spell the death of the Wampanoag, but it did complicate their position. Offensives had to be well planned and well timed, and battles fought only under the most favorable circumstances.

As Metacom withdrew from Middleborough, he split his army in half. The fast pace of the campaign had left many of the Wampanoag warriors exhausted, and these men and the wounded returned to a fortified camp in the marshes south of the ambush site. Yet, Metacom was anxious to do more damage. He knew where the bulk of the Massachusetts and Plymouth militias were now and decided to strike out at the exposed English settlements on the Cape. Camping out in the woods on the night of July 8, he led his warriors out the next morning on a 24-mile march toward the sleepy town of Sandwich.

Meanwhile, Governor Josiah Winslow was forced to make some hard calculations of his own. His army had survived its second brush with Metacom, but the cost had been high, and his confidence was shaky. Having witnessed the dangers of the trek between Plymouth and Middleborough firsthand, he did not feel confident that he could keep his army and the fortress supplied in the long term. Furthermore, the civilians still stuck in that ruined town demanded to be evacuated; therefore, the Governor decided on a cautious yet pragmatic path. He decided to abandon Middleborough entirely and burn its fort while relocating the civilian population and associated militia to Plymouth. Benjamin Church took little part in this decision, perhaps because he was resentful of his relegation by the governor. On the morning of July 10, Winslow's army set out again and finally managed to reach Plymouth without issue. The returning militia were greeted as heroes, but upon their arrival, they were also regaled with stories of another Wampanoag raid.

Metacom's attack on Sandwich might've been quite successful, but he overlooked a local dynamic that proved crucial to the raid's outcome. Like Taunton, Sandwich was a relatively large town with a population of approximately 500; of them, several dozen were well-known Quakers who possessed a close relationship with the local Wampanoag. Concerned for their neighbors, these Wampanoag were able to warn the town of what was coming only about half an hour before Metacom's army got there. This gave most of the townspeople enough time to evacuate to designated garrison houses, thus keeping them out of harm's way. It also gave them time to send advanced warnings to Plymouth and other towns on the Cape.

Ignorant of all of this, Metacom's army arrived and started sacking the town, methodically looting and burning buildings located out of range of the garrison houses. In the town itself, the warriors found some 30 residents who had not been able to flee for whatever reason. Of these, 20 were taken prisoner, while ten were killed. Yet, the raid came to a sudden end when news reached Metacom that the Massachusetts miltia were marching on the road south from Plymouth. Around 10 AM that morning, Captain Mosley received word from Plymouth of the impending attack, and despite the injuries his troops had so recently suffered, he decided upon a bold plan. Splitting his army in half, Mosley only took the best equipped, most disciplined, and most committed men with him to relieve Sandwich, all while sending the rest of his troops south to launch a retaliatory raid on the Wampanoag village of Agawam. This strategy immediately bore fruit as Metacom decided to leave Sandwich to confront Mosley's militia as soon as he heard that they were on the road.

Metacom refrained from moving his tired warriors far and instead positioned them on a spot in the road where the foliage was so thick that it became hard for anyone traveling to move in anything other than a single file line. The warriors waited less than an hour until the militia once again dove headfirst into their trap. The Wampanoag waited until the militia was strung out on the road, then launched an all-out assault. Muskets were fired, and the warriors rushed onto the road, wielding tomahawks and war clubs. The weary Massachusetts militiamen quickly lost cohesion, and the battle devolved into a series of disconnected, brutal skirmishes. Leading from the head of his column, Captain Mosley was able to keep the men immediately adjacent to him organized, and together, they were able to cut a path through the ambushers and reach a clearing in the woods not far from where the initial attack was launched. Mosley attempted to reorganize his command to some small success there, but this action caught Metacom's eye, and he decided to cut down the enterprising young officer.

Running forward with two of his best shots, Metacom and his retinue surrounded the stranded group and began firing at them, hoping to hit the officer. Mosley and his men returned fire in kind, and the Massachusetts militia managed to hold their own for a time, sweeping much of the undergrowth with fire. Eventually though, one lucky shot struck Mosley in the right arm, paralyzing his hand and throwing the commander to the ground. The wound was serious, yet Mosley managed to recover from the blow enough to continue encouraging his men, and they held out until militia from Sandwich marched to the scene and relieved the beleaguered militia. In all, some 25 militiamen and 15 Wampanoag died in the ambush. Despite his wound, Mosley led his militia back to Plymouth but would be bedridden for several weeks before making a recovery following the amputation of the lower part of his arm.

Back in Plymouth, Governor Winslow began to serve as the epicenter of the English war effort. That night, he greeted Mosley warmly and then greeted the men whom Mosley had sent off to raid Agawam. They reported finding the half-empty village and burning it to the ground. Two dozen Wampanoag prisoners accompanied them, and the men had also taken some grain stores as loot, as well as, several heads. The success of their raid was well received in Plymouth and did much to raise the morale of the men as many now clambered for more such punitive expeditions. Surely, Metacom could not be allowed to continue raiding in peace. Later on the 11th, that idea was only reinforced when news reached Plymouth that another raid by the Wampanoag had targeted the town of Bridgewater. This attack was a relatively minor one, though the local militia repelled it after the town suffered only minor casualties.

As the war entered the middle part of July, both armies were exhausted. The constant fighting and general activity in the height of summer meant that the men were spent, and a week passed between July 12 and 19 without significant action by either side. Yet, as the two rearmed and strategized, the forests and swamps of the Dawnlands were primed for murder once again.

 

[baboushreturns]

The Heart on Fire​

Despite the wounds Captain Mosley suffered defending Sandwhich, the initiative he showed in sending his militia to raid Agawam quickly proved to be a key turning point in the war. With the Captain bedridden, Governor Winslow ordered the Wampanoag captives interrogated, and after a few hours, several of them gave up information, revealing that Metacom and Sachem Weetamoo had put out a call to all Wampanoag towns to evacuate from the border regions and concentrate in a grand settlement near the ruins of Dorchester and the ancient Wampanoag town of Acushnet.

Metacom hoped that his people would be safe there, and with relatively open access to the beach and the ocean beyond it, he hoped they could keep themselves fed there too. For weeks, Wampanoag gathered there at the call of their Sachems, bringing all the food and possessions they could carry with them. In a relatively short time, more than a thousand of them concentrated there. Their wood and bark wigwams blanketed the land near the ruins of Dorchester, and their cooking fires constantly filled the air with the smell of wood smoke. Weetamoo worked tirelessly to keep the camp organized and established several granaries to keep winter stores of corn, dried fish, and beans safe and ready to last the Wampanoag nation in the war to come.

In the north, Governor Winslow was quick to act once the interrogator's work was done, and despite the exhaustion of both the Massachusetts and Plymouth militiamen, he was able to rally a force big enough to launch an attack against the town. Leading an army numbering some 300-strong, he left Plymouth on July 21 and marched south for the burnt ruins of Agawam. The march there was familiar to many of the Pilgrim militiamen by now, and despite the marshy topography, they made good time, making it to Agawam by mid-morning.

Yet, Winslow's march did not escape the attention of Metacom's scouts, and he quickly rallied a force of his own to attempt to ambush Winslow, as he'd done so often recently. However, the Governor finally had the foresight to avoid the trap. He ordered his men to post skirmishers all around the main column to provide advanced warning against any attack, and he also chose to take a more circuitous route to Acushnet through the coastal swamps west of Agawam rather than taking a more direct and hilly route further north.

These decisions meant that when Metacom's army came into contact with Winslow's expedition in the marshes between Acushnet and Agawam, no ambush happened. Instead, Winslow's scouts sited the Wampanoag warriors approaching them, and a small firefight broke out in the wetlands. When both commanders learned what was happening Winslow pressed the attack while Metacom ordered a withdrawal. Both decisions proved decisive as Metacom's army was able to retreat mostly unchecked, yet the road to Acushnet was now open. Meanwhile, Winslow's army had lost some cohesion and a considerable part of its powder stores due to fighting and charging in the damp conditions. Yet, they emerged from it, encouraged and emboldened.

Although it was getting late in the day, Governor Winslow decided to press on. Leading his men forward at the double quick, he moved them north out of the swamp and then west on the most direct path to the Acushnet. This strategy cost him approximately 1/3 of his force to straggling but it brought him to the hills just east of the town right before sunset.

Metacom's army reached Acushnet just an hour before Winlsow did and were greatly perturbed to learn that no word had been heard of the Pilgrim army since their skirmish in the swamp. Determined to relocate the invaders, Metacom consulted with Weetamooo and several other Wampanoag sachems and together they decided Metacom would immediately lead a reconnaissance in force to find Winslow so that further attacks could be launched against him.

It did not take Metacom long to rouse the necessary warriors. 150 volunteered; most of them were trusted friends and companions from his home, Pokannoket. Heading forth together east toward the site of the skirmish, they left camp, crossed some fordable rapids on the Acushnet River, and blundered directly into a trap Winslow had accidentally set for them. Winslow was intent to observe the camp and wait until the deep night before launching his attack. Yet, when Metacom's scouts came moving through the woods toward his position on a hill overlooking Acushnet on the east side of the river, he ordered the attack.

Swords drawn and pikes up, Winslow told his men not even to bother with their matchlocks. Instead, they charged down the hill onto the unsuspecting Wampanoag and broke their cohesion almost instantaneously. Some attempted to resist, fighting with their tomahawks, knives, and war clubs as best they could, but this was a doomed endeavor in the circumstances, and many more broke and ran back towards the town. Metacom was shocked by the ambush and quickly attempted to restore what order he could but he too decided the fight was a lost cause and withdrew again back towards Acushnet.

Alerted by the sounds of fighting to their west, the civilians gathered at Acushnet began to panic, and many began fleeing north and west to get away from the fighting. Inside the town Weetamooo briefly consulted with Metacom and the decision was made to abandon the town. Metacom still had hundreds of warriors in Acushnet who had not been part of the swamp skirmish or the scouting expedition, if engaged they could have proven decisive, but instead of calling these men up to fight he had many of them lead the withdrawal.

Therefore, when Winslow's army attempted to ford the Acushnet River, it succeeded almost without issue and pressed on into the town proper. There, they found a scene reminiscent of the Mystic Massacre unfolding before their eyes. Under orders from Metacom, much of the town was being set on fire to deny the supplies within it to the English. Eager to save the precious loot (especially the food), Winslow ordered his men to continue their attack. However, this allowed Metacom to finally offer the pilgrims some true resistance as he and his warriors used the light of the fire to unleash some effective musketry against the militiamen. Dozens were hit and killed in the ensuing minutes, yet buoyed by their triumphs of the day, the militiamen did not crack and instead pressed the attack, which succeeded in pushing Metacom's warriors out of their firing positions and convincing them to withdraw. As the fighting wound down, Winslow found himself in possession of the town while Metacom, Weetamoo, and long columns of refugees trekked desperately through the night in search of safety.

When the smoke cleared, and the Sun came up on the morning of the 22nd, the true toll of the fighting came into sharper focus. 33 Plymouth and 17 Massachusetts militia had been killed or wounded in the fighting in exchange for 55 Wampanoag warriors killed, wounded, or captured and 45 dead Wampanoag civilians. Furthermore, a significant part of the Wampanoag winter food stores were destroyed in the fighting, and around noon on the 22nd, a further 150 Wampanoag civilians, many of them from the pre-war village of Acushnet, surrendered themselves to the mercy of Josiah Winslow, hoping that he could keep them from starvation.

​

 

[Dadarian]

​

As Metacom watched his people cry and scream. As he counted the lost warriors and rumours of a winter starvation. As he knew in his bones that his people were hurting, it was hard to focus. Hard to recount his mighty victories in Plymouth and Dartmouth, at Swansea and Bloody Brook. As his people huddled in their sad circles, praying for release from the terrible white man, Metacom reflected instead on his failures. He had been filled with the spirit of arrogance, and had wasted too much in response. Forevermore, he must be careful and diligent. For the white men may lose a dozen or more men at any time, they are easily replaced. For the Wampanoag, every person was a precious and unique reminder of what they had to lose and what could never be replaced.

 

[baboushreturns]

A Narragansett Peace​

Of all the nations in the Land of Dawn, none are as populous, innovative, and proud as the ancient Narragansett. Yet, since Grand Sachem Miantonimo's defeat and execution at the hands of the Mohegan in 1643, the "people of the little points" have been a nation in decline. In 1645, Miantonimo's successor and brother, Grand Sachem Pessicus, submitted to the "care, protection, and government of that worthy and royal Prince Charles, King of Great Britaine and Ireland". In doing so, he agreed to pay an annual tribute of wampum to the government of Massachusetts Bay. So far, this tribute has kept the English from attacking the Narragansett heartland. However, the expansion of Rhode Island and Connecticut across what used to be the Narragansett coast has put a lot of pressure on the Confederacy by strangling its food and wampum supply while simultaneously undermining the Grand Sachem's standing among his own people.

Therefore, many Narragansett celebrated when news reached them of Metacom's early victories against the Englishmen of Plymouth and Massachusetts. Dozens of young warriors even left the safety of their homeland to join in the Wampanoag war effort. Yet, among the Narragansett sachems and clan leaders, there was much division over how the nation should react to the war. Some argued for immediate intervention into the conflict on the side of the Wampanoag, but most still preferred neutrality for the time being, hoping to keep their people safe from the tumult next door.

Grand Sachem Pessicus cautiously sided with the majority during June and July 1675; however, this did not mean the Confederacy was actually peaceful. Using the cover of the war, certain emboldened parties within the Narragansett nation began moving to suppress any voice within it that preached alliance with the New England Confederation, or that was deemed too close to them.

In the weeks after Metacom's raid on Plymouth, a spate of murders rocked the nation. 13 Narragansett, who were deemed too close to the English were targetted. The most prominent of them was a Sachem named Cojonoquant, who was the eldest brother of Pessicus and Miantonomo. He was hated by many in the Confederacy because he was an alcoholic and had been the sole signatory to several treaties with settlers from Rhode Island, giving away large tracts of land on Narragansett Bay for little more than some rum and a few blankets. He was tortured for hours by his attackers before being killed.

Grand Sachem Pessicus was unsure who was responsible for murdering his brother and the other victims. Yet, some of his councilors suspected his nephew, Canonchet, of committing these heinous acts, for he was open with other Narragansett about his hatred for the English. Pessicus was reluctant to move against him, though, for he was popular among the young warriors, and Canonchet himself blamed the attacks on Wampanoag infiltrators and vengeful spirits. Many of his supporters parroted the claim, and ultimately, no action was taken to stop the murders. By the start of August, all remaining Narragansett with close ties to the English had fled the country, with most resettling in Connecticut or among the Pequot, effectively removing any pro-English influence from the nation.

Despite this, Governor Leverett sent envoys to Grand Sachem Pessicus to attempt to reaffirm Narragansett neutrality in the conflict. These men were received warmly by Pessicus, though he mostly ignored their requests, instead leaving members of the pro-peace party to soothe them with promises of peace and good intent. Ultimately though, these men returned home without a new treaty pledging Narragansett neutrality. Instead, Pessicus reaffirmed his commitment to the agreements already signed between Massachusetts and his nation and promised to pay his annual tribute in full as he had for the last 30 years.

The Wampanoag were also active on the Narragansett diplomatic front. They sent envoys to Pessicus, presenting him with several gifts and ornate wampum belts calling his nation to war. Pessicus also refused these entreaties, but there is still some chance a deal was struck between the two parties as Narragansett warriors continued to flow east while Wampanoag refugees began moving onto Narragansett land in growing numbers.

In the middle of July, Canonchet prevailed upon his uncle to call for a Grand Council of the nation, inviting all Narragansett sachems, clan leaders, and the leaders of subject nations to assemble in the Confederacy's capital at Nanihigonset to discuss their response to the crisis next door. The council is scheduled to begin in early August, but by the end of July, most of the Narragansett elite were assembled, including the leaders of the eastern Niantic, the aged Ninigret.

 

[baboushreturns]

Governor Leverett and Sachem Muttawmp

To Attack a Giant​

With a population numbering some 34,000, there is no state or colony in New England that can rival the military or economic strength of Massachusetts Bay. Yet, when Plymouth was sacked, the General Court was much divided over what to do. During the first weeks of the war, Governor Leverett supported an effort made by the city of Boston to raise four companies of Essex County militia for the defense of the frontier and the reinforcement of Plymouth. With waves of refugees pouring north into Boston and the communities near it, the leaders of the region immediately saw the importance of winning the conflict. However, in towns further north and west, the war was a much less salient issue.

Local merchants and farmers in most of Massachusetts opposed being taxed or drafted into another colony's war, and this dissent soon made itself known in the General Court. In the aftermath of Hutchinson's Surprise, Governor Leverett approached the city council of Boston and asked them once again to raise more militia companies to aid Plymouth. Already overburdened by the cost of raising 400 militiamen and hosting hundreds of refugees, they demurred, promising to raise more militia only if the regiments of Suffolk and Middlesex counties were asked to mobilize as well. Debating the issue in the General Court, legislators from both regions refused, so the issue was tabled and then almost forgotten after word of Governor Winslow's victory at Acushnet spread.

However, Governor Leverett also found ways to work around the General Court. A merchant by trade, he paid a handsome price to equip four of his own sloops and schooners with artillery, quickly creating his own private navy to fight in service of the colony. Originally, Leverett had also hoped to have the General Court approve spending for a naval infantry unit, but when that proved unrealistic, he took matters into his own hands and personally hired 50 men for the purpose. These purchases would prove quite expensive to maintain, and the initial costs have already significantly shrunk the Governor's pockets.

Leverett also attempted to address the refugee issue by having his allies introduce a measure in the General Court to distribute the refugees equally around the colony and to compensate private homeowners and landlords for their lodging. Promising to make Plymouth pay for it all, Leverett's proposal gained the support of the chamber and became law on July 15. Not yet fully enacted, the measure still has done much to alleviate the desperate conditions in Boston and was met with much jubilation by the locals there.

Turning his attention toward the frontiers, Leverett also paid attention to the Praying Indians victimized during the Ponkapoag Massacre. Discreetly dispatching a trusted servant, the governor attempted to compensate the remaining survivors for what they'd endured. Yet, as Metacom's resistance festered in the south and disturbances rocked Maine, opinions inside Massachusetts continued to harden against the Native Americans.

That is partly why the Governor drew great criticism from the General Court when he dispatched food and iron tools to the isolated frontier towns of Quabaug, Wabaquasset, and Quinsigamond. Leverett hoped to aid the local English in fortifying their settlements, but on his orders, many of the goods were also given to Nipmuc sachems like Muttawmp and Matoonas as gifts. This fit in with a broader strategy of active Indian diplomacy. Leverett hoped this would keep his frontiers stable so that Massachusetts Bay could concentrate its resources on defeating the Wampanoag in the south.

Yet Muttawmp and Matoonas were not true friends of the English. They merely appeared so to lull the colony into a false sense of safety. Years ago, when Metacom had just started planning his rebellion, many Nipmuc swore allegiance to him. When news of the raid on Plymouth reached them, celebrations were quietly held in many of their villages and towns beyond the site or knowledge of the English. Sachem Muttawmp would prove especially important in the nascent resistance movement, using his daughters and clan members as emissaries to unite the disparate Nipmuc communities in a shared resistance to pilgrim colonialism.

Using strategic patience to his benefit, Muttawmp waited until the moonless night of July 26 to make his move. That evening, Nipmuc warriors launched a coordinated attack on the English town of Quabaug (aka Brookfield) and on the Praying Indian town of Quinsigamond. Muttawmp personally led the assault on Quabaug and successfully used stealth to take the Aynes Garrison House, which was the strongest defense in the 20-family town, before overrunning the settlement entirely. The Nipmuc kill approximately 25 and capture 70 in exchange for two of their own.

Flush with success, more Nipmuc warriors rallied to Muttawmp's cause, and he quickly moved to Quinsigamond, where his warband found Matoonas and his warriors besieging a palisade held by the English. Utilizing fire to their advantage, the pair were able to open up a gap in the defenses and manage to overrun the fortress, killing or capturing another 30 settlers in the process, though sustaining significant casualties themselves in the effort.

As the sun rose on the 27, the praying Indians of Quinsigamond poured out into the streets and most celebrated the English's destruction. Yet, a small number fled eastward, hoping to warn their co-religionists of what had happened and the storm to come. Near Hassanamesit, several of them were discovered and captured by a band of rebellious native warriors who were patrolling on the road, but a handful got through, and they warned all the towns on the frontier of the coming storm.

This makes Muttawmp's mission much more difficult as local militia forces finally begin to mobilize, and he decides to call off a planned attack on Hassanamesit after many of the local Praying Indians who are sympathetic to his cause warn him about a large militia force rally there. But the gains the Nipmuc have already achieved are quite impressive. In a single night, Springfield was cut off from Boston, and the number of English enclaves in Nipmuc lands was reduced from three to one. Muttawmp's victories have earned him the respect of most Nipmucs, and as August dawns, a new front has opened in King Philip's War.

 

[baboushreturns]

The River Lords
​

In all of New England, there is no river more important to human civilization than the Connecticut. Running from southern Quebec to Long Island Sound, its waters serve as the spawning grounds for species like shad, Atlantic salmon, and lamprey. Every spring and early summer, they come up the river in the tens of thousands to reproduce, clearing massive obstacles as they do. Since time immemorial, Native Americans have taken advantage of these runs to break their winter fasts and build up food stores to last until the harvest in late summer and fall. Before the English came, Native Americans also intensively farmed the river's banks, using a system of terraces to harness the river's power so that seasonal floods would fertilize and irrigate their fields rather than destroy them.

Yet, in living memory, the Native American population has collapsed along many stretches of the river. In its central stretch, the Pocumtuc Nation has been reduced to a shadow of its former self by decades of war with the Haudenosaunee and several outbreaks of European disease. In their place, the English have crept steadily forward. Their leader is a crafty merchant named John Pynchon. Son of the founder of Springfield, he is among the wealthiest men in all of Massachusetts Bay Colony, and from his brick house along the banks of the Connecticut, he reigns over all the English in the region as a virtual king.

A man with no military experience, Pynchon was named commander of all English militia in Hampshire County and elevated to the rank of Sergeant Major in 1669. Since then, he has had to do little to earn that title, yet when news of the raid on Plymouth reached Springfield, the merchant was quick to act. Sending out orders to company commanders up and down the valley, Pynchon ordered them to up their training regimens and to construct more extensive fortifications around their towns. Yet, fearing little from the pitiful Pocumtuc, few officers heeded these orders throughout July, and by the start of August, only Springfield had built extensive new fortifications with a new palisade encircling Pynchon's house near the center of the town.

Meanwhile, the Pocumtuc mostly ignored the war raging to their southeast. Their troubles were already great, and more were not needed despite the incursions of the English. Instead, the various Pocumtuc sachems focused on keeping their people fed and paying their tribute to the Mohawk. At various spots on the river between Springfield and Hatfield, they gathered in great villages to take advantage of the yearly fish runs. These proved quite successful, and many of the bands took to trading these fish with the English, who offered manufactured goods in exchange (though most abided by the prohibition on trading gunpowder or bullets).

One of the most prominent Pocumtuc sachems was a famous warrior named Sagumachu. He set himself apart from his peers who partook in the fish runs by establishing himself away from the river. Instead, Sagumachu led his followers up a mountain on the east bank of the Connecticut south of Deerfield. He founded a small fortified village there and called on all local Indigenous people to join him. Few came at first, but as the fires of war burnt brighter to the east, dozens of Nipmuc and some more Pocumtuc came to join him there. As King Philip's War rages the fate of the Pocumtuc and of the Connecticut River Valley remains uncertain. The Pynchons historically cultivated reasonably good ties with their native neighbors, and for now, it seems that it'll take a great disruption to turn that balance on its head.

 

[baboushreturns]

Map of the old Penacook Heartland

Harmonious Ambitions and Peaceful Intent​

The Penacook and the Pawtucket are two nations tied together by old bonds of blood. In the time before the Pilgrims arrived, the Pawtucket were a nomadic people who wandered across the Dawnlands in small bands of around fifty persons. However, once the English got established in Boston and the Massachusett nation was destroyed by plague and the pressures of colonialism, a charismatic woman known to history as the Squaw Sachem of Mystic managed to unite several of the Pawtucket bands with several remnants of the Massachusett and together formed a new nation in the northwestern corner of the former Massachusett heartlands.

There, she created a unique nation. Cut off from most of the Indigenous interior by the English; her people became more Christianized and knowledgeable in the ways colonists than many of their neighbors. Despite their closeness though, the Pawtucket struggled to survive in the world the English were creating. After the death of the Squaw Sachem of Mystic, her son Wenepoykin eventually succeeded her. Known as George No Nose to the English because of a run-in with smallpox that left him deformed, the man has always maintained decent relations with the authorities in Boston.

Yet, with the outbreak of war with the Wampanoag in the south, those relations may be starting to turn. In early July, Wenepoykin agreed to a deal with his relative Wonalancet to supply the Penacook Confederacy with the materials needed to build a sawmill on their lands. Given the number of smiths the Pawtucket possess, this request was technically feasible; however, Massachusetts Bay militia, exceeding orders handed down to them by Governor Leverett, seized the Penacook payment for the Pawtucket and thus brought an end to the effort before it could begin.

Perhaps because of this provocation or because of the massacre at Ponkapoag, Wenepoykin put out a call to the nearby Praying Indian communities to leave their villages and come join his people. Given most of the Praying Indians are former Massachusett, this call was well received by many who had grown wary for their safety, and throughout the back half of July, dozens of Massachusett fled to the Pawtucket homelands in search of safety. Some were harassed along the way by wary Englishmen, but in the end, it remains to be seen if their efforts will be worth much. The Pawtucket homelands are only a little better protected from the Massachusetts Bay militia than the average Prayind Indian village is, after all.

Meanwhile, to the north, the Penacook Confederacy focused itself inward. Despite the troubles between the Androscoggin and Major Waldron in Maine, Wonalancet Chief Sachem of the Penacook remained focused on peace. Hoping to isolate his people from the growing storm to their south, he led the majority of his nation north in a summer migration to the banks of Lake Winnipesaukee. There they built a series of large villages dotting the shoreline and focused on fishing and hunting throughout June and July.

Wonalancet's nephew, the ambitious Sachem Kancamagus, formed the vanguard of this effort and actively participated in the hunts and developed trade contacts with nearby Abenaki nations that saw the Penacook villages on Lake Winnipesaukee develop into a local trade center as French trappers and Indian merchants traveled there to offer up guns and powder for the furs the Penacook were collecting.

Wonalancet simultaneously attempted to make a show of his peaceful intent to the English by purchasing several copies of John Eliot's Algonquin bible to show that his people were interested in the English God and his religion. This effort went well enough, and by the end of the July, two English missionaries traveled to Lake Winnipesaukee, where they sought permission from the Chief Sachem to begin missionary work there. This ambitious move proved contentious among the Penacook as many among the Penacook were greatly dissatisfied with the English and spoke of joining the war against them.

Although he did not speak this opinion in public much, Kancamagus was one of the leaders of these men, behind closed doors, he argued forcefully with his uncle not to allow the missionaries in. Ultimately though, Wonalancet decided to respect the English request, fearful of the consequences should he refuse. As August now dawns it remains to be seen how Kancamagus will respond to the situation.

 

[FatLeek]

Trail of Whips
​

They came in droves, haggard and despondent. Children had burn marks, women bruises and all were bereft of hope, even when they were lucky enough to arrive to Pawtucket lands, given food and shelter as befitting Massachusetts hospitality. They prayed once, yet few did anymore.

Sorry sight was hard even for the most esteemed Pawtucket, among them noble and mighty Sachem Wenepoykin. He was the one to invite them in, give them hearth and heart, and rejuvenate his nation with this wayward kin. Now he saw works of the white men, and was bitter for it. Yet, there is little that can be done, besides simple kindness of giving these poor people a sanctuary. For children to grow into men, and for women to fall in love and sing in their fields. Unfortunately for them, war was ruling these forests and fields now. Town after town being burned, with reckless abandon, retribution exacted upon innocent. Pawtucket was small, and all but at the tender mercy of the White Men. Nation desired seldom peace. Wenepoykin looked into the fire next to which some refugees were huddled, listening to the crackling and quite conversation. He listened some more, and smiled.

There is little that can be done, but it will be done. So he swears.

 

[Aristo]

​

"Me and mine have made our decision, and I want to give you all the opportunity to do the same. I will not hold it against you if you decide not to join me, but this will be the last chance we and our kin might have to arrest our diminishing before we fade."
...
"Remember Mosley at Ponkapoag if you need an example of what the English do to innocents."

-Extracts of Muttawmp's speech to the praying indian villagers at Quabaug after its capture

---

The flame of Nipmuc resistance is lit, and with it the lifecandle of the Nipmuk people. For too long have the English forced their way of life upon that which never asked for it. No god or spirit can abide by the injustices inflicted here. And if jesus died on the cross for our sins, then why must our suffering be so great still?

So, he must weep. If the dead weep. I would weep in his place, but i would also hope. The world turns, what was may come again. Fate still spins its web around men's lives. Maybe it is willed for my kin to great again! Maybe a new destiny is ripe to be taken from the hands from those that have stolen so much....

Perhaps...


-Muttawmp's personal remarks on the matter, recorded by James Printer of the Nipmuk.

 

[VaneEerus]

- Speech printed all over Massachusetts' Bay Colony, to the attention of Englishmen and Praying Indians -

Dawn in a Land of Traitors​

To all God-fearing men of these lands stained by betrayal.

The last month has seen virtue and proper governance sullied in all ways possible. This situation may not stand whilst we of Massachusett's Bay can still do something about it.

Our men granted to the New England Confederacy were improperly led into battle, with haste and little to no preparation. The lives of our brothers, uncles, fathers and sons were wasted for little to no result.
Further effort is required to organise our militia and obtain proper discipline. Every failure due to lack of diligence and order is a sin before God, for why should we waste our own blood needlessly without answering for it?

But do not think that we are promissed for doom either. True, the gentile Englishman, too focused on prosperity, trade and amicable relations, is often taken by surprise when treason befalls upon him. But with proper hierarchy, fitting that of the natural order, the English can overcome any foe no matter how barbarous. This Samuel Mosley has shown in Wampanoag territory with his most recent victory.

The Nipmuc so thought they could betray our trust, whilst we helped them get fed, equipped and induced into a proper way of life befitting of civilised Nations like our own. Now, they shall face wrath faced by the dwarves that dare to wake the giant. Every single drop of English blood spilled in betrayal will be repaid in kind, and I solemnly swear that should I dye the way to Springfield red for the sake of our people, that I shall do.

Massachusetts will now be weary of traitors, and no word of possible agression will be tolerated. We have suffered to many a menace of seeing our beautiful city of Boston burnt to ashes to bear any more.

We also call all tribes sympathetic to the pointless massacre of our citizens to aid us, whichever their capability to do so. It is not a time for inaction, disloyalty or petty political games; but a time to seize the opportunity to construct the future relations between the English and the native tribes. Act against folly, act for a return of peace and prosperity.

Praying Indians, you know these lands well, and I have always treated you fairly. Serve as auxiliaries, scouts and informers for us Englishmen, and your engagement will be well rewarded. Those that pretend to use links of kinship to recruit you act in mere folly, thristy of blood, whilst we have built churches, homes made of solid stone, markets and have brought civilisation unparalleled. They seek destruction and savagery; we bring the light of God, infrastructures and development.
What will you choose? Savagery or prosperity?

As for the prodigal son, our door remains open to cooperation in good faith; so our culture demands.

Governor John Leverett

 

[baboushreturns]

August 1675​

 

[bookwyrm]

Moosup Town
Just prior to the journey to Nanihigonset

Saccohan called Canonchet saw before him, in his mind's eye, the full panoply of his ancestor's Confederacy arrayed in a great war for justice and necessity. At last a chance to prove himself worthy of his blood with the wisdom and spectacle of the great Canonicus, and bind together the wounded strength of his people in overturning the yoke of the English. A proper Narragansett war of unrelenting steady pressure and high-walled invincibility led by its proper warchief Canonchet, until the incomers submit and refashion themselves to his liking. Much of these dreams are shared by many, but some of those like his son, Tashtassuck, yet have their own dreams too.

"It's too risky father, no matter how many times we punish open traitors, a Grand Council will always bring English spies into our bosom. And besides, this is old uncle Pessicus' doing, all those suffocating chatterers and weak-kneed old men that would caution for peace even as Uncas bars them inside their burning homes." His son hotly declared.

And here Canonchet's brother and right hand Massecump rumbled "Council or no Council, can't take a piss without the white man's Sachem hearing about it the next day. Always have to expect whispers to get out, always."

"Indeed, which is why the time for secret plans and conspiracies is long since passed, whatever corrupt English bargains or personal feuds or lingering bonds of kinship to enemy Sachems leads to such whispered betrayal is altogether a different kind of thing to stomach than to so easily rebuke and make war on the whole of the Narragansett. The public strength and public unity that comes with the sachems and sagramores in Council" Canonchet concluded.

Tashtassuck shook his head "And when on the path home as midnight travelers, no Grand Council to play to? Strength is strength, and unity follows strength. This is what has allowed Uncas and his dogs to feed on the blood of the Confederacy like wolves in truth. This is why we must do what is necessary to strike back- and have done to strike. This is why that drunk fool Cojono-"

"Cojonoquant was a sachem of the Narragansett, eldest son of grandfather Mascus, and in death if not life, he should be respected as such." Canonchet reprimanded sharply, then sighed. "He, he was not always as he was when the English rum took him, I remember him and father and uncle Sucquans- before he was also Pessicus, I remember...."

As Canonchet trailed off Massecump grunted "He did die well, if nothing else, kept up for a fair time. But for all his talk of dogs and wolves the little pup is right on this. Sure, not everyone has it in them to be another Uncas. But Quanapen and the rest of Cojonoquant's sons must avenge themselves of his loss, and that one is fierce. What matter are peace pledges to him, even if he would gladly turn to the lying English traders next?"

Seeing the chance to press his case Tashtassuck laid on "And he's just the start, Quaiapen might hate the English but neither does she have any love for Metacom nor for us who seek to follow him, and she has turned to strike at other 'warmongers' in the Nipmuc before. If she had her way, she would convince Pessicus to keep wary yes, but to make no move until her stonelayers have built up a wall all around the English and thereby win- when I am old and grey".

Caught once more in remembrances as Saccohan, Canonchet murmurs "Her sons, cousins Scuttup, and Quequakanewett, direct blood of the great Canonicus taken before their time... it is their stolen destiny that we now hold, and must uphold to prove ourselves worthy of." For a tender moment he just looks at his son, his sole surviving child, the rest taken by the foulness of English maladies.

But then Massecump somewhat awkwardly continues "And then there is her brother, tough old Ninigret, whose despair in his failures to strike down Uncas and the Mohegans led him to give up and hunker down, suffering the English as a nation of him himself, and all that he can take with him."

"And thereby flout our Confederate brotherhood and cut the heart out of the Narragansett!" Tashtassuck boils out, anger fueling his return to flow "this is why we should likewise ignore the prattling of Pessicus and continue our work with Pumham and Metacom and clear out what we can of English influence while we can still strike at them."

Canonchet can feel the righteous fury of his son and it burns in him too, normally in an icy wrath of cold flame, but now enkindled by young passion and by the casual brutality of Massecump's steady and hardened eyes. Maybe, there is a greater dream after all, bigger and bolder than Canonchet's for all its blood?

But no, Canonchet snaps out of it, the more temperate humors of his spirit dampen the haze, especially when he turns and sees the last Sachem of their pre-Council council, mother Wawaloam, old but all the more solid for it, weather-beaten and gnarled. Massecump too turns aside, he can only imagine also feeling like a young boy caught breaking or stealing something, as she unflinchingly stamped out the fire "What's this, 'strength is strength'? Pah, nonsense! Strength is magnanimity, strength is audacity, strength is kinship, strength is wit! Strength is born of a hundred, no a thousand mothers".

Wawaloam then takes a moment to grumble as she will on the state of the youth today, and the loss of the great sachems of days past who could embodies all thousand forms of strength in one, before then picking back up with her point, "-and well, in our weakness we must make that our strength, even surrounded by chaos and enmity. Especially surrounded by chaos and enmity. All sachems who now stand tall stand on the sacrifices of those who have fallen, as we now stand on the shoulders of Miantonomo. There's too few of us now, we are all accountable to too many disparate people, living and dead. The corrupt friends of the English have fled to Ninigret's longhouse, but even as they pull at his arm the fringes of Pessicus' support pull at the other, he must judge the security of this way and that. And so with him looking warily at Pessicus, and Pessicus staring so at you Canonchet and at Quaiapen, and with you watching Quanapen and Pumham, and around and around it goes, all are circling, and none can easily pounce."

At this even fiery Tashtassuck looks almost overawed at the carefully balanced web of friends and enemies so imagined, and at the prospect of navigating that web as a spider in its center. Seeing this Wawaloam breaks off "Bah, let an old woman chatter and she'll never stop. It's too early in the day to talk of politics- get going now and the sooner the journey's done. Travel fare is never more appetizing than when you can put it back down in time for dinner."

And they filed back in with the rest of the band, Canonchet couldn't help continuing as he passed by "Actually, I'm not so sure on Quaiapen, she's not indecisive so much as flexible, and I think-"

'Yes, yes, we'll have plenty of things to think and strategize over, but we do want to get there before the rest of the crowd. And besides," She continued, not unkindly "you forgot the one thing we Narragansett love more that we hate our enemies- we love to hear ourselves talk!"​

 

[baboushreturns]

The Fall of Fort Pentagouët​

The Battle in the Bay was a calamity for the Penobscot nation. So many warriors lost without even a single Dutch casualty to show for it. Another defeat like that would've been enough to destroy Jean-Vincent's reputation among the Penobscot, regardless of who he was married to. As it was, the Baron's reputation among his army was severely damaged, and the faith his warriors had in him was nearly shattered. In the hours just after the defeat, as dozens of Penobscot rubbed ash on their face as a mark of their mourning, there was even talk in the ranks of ignoring Madockawando's orders and appointing a new commander or returning home.

Yet, it was in this moment of crisis that Castin began to show the traits of a good leader. Marching around his camp, using his best Abenaki, he spoke to and listened to his men. Learning from their recommendations, he decided to initiate the sniping campaign that took such a harsh toll on the defenders of Pentagouët during the last weeks of July. As August dawned, the fort's garrison seemed to be on its last legs. Of an original contingent of 25 men, only 12 were left fit for duty. The fortress's walls had been all but abandoned, and instead, the survivors retreated inside a wooden structure that once held the armory and barracks on the south side of the compound. From there, they hoped to be momentarily shielded from the relentless attacks as they urgently appealed to the Dutch ships in the harbor for aid.

However, the Dutch and English sailors manning the ships in Pentagouët's harbor had little interest in relocating to the land. The sea was their home, and the Battle in the Bay had proven it was their stronghold as well. Very few officers and almost none of the men wanted to risk their lives and limbs to hold a half-destroyed wooden fort for the Dutch East India Company when there was better loot to be had on the sea and further up the coast in French Acadia. This situation was only further confirmed to the Dutch high command when Captain Roderigo returned to the beleaguered outpost on August 5. Anchoring his well-armed sloop, the Edward and Thomas, in the harbor, he held a council of war with his officers. Acknowledging the urgency of the reports coming out of the fortress, he decided to reinforce the garrison with a contingent of 20 men taken from his flagship.

Although some seamen grumbled, they had not been present at the fort during the Battle in the Bay or during the siege and thus went willingly enough into the fortress to attempt to salvage the situation. When they arrived, they were horrified by the conditions inside its walls, but by then it was too late. Meanwhile, Captain Roderigo made up for the manpower losses on his ship by recruiting several English prisoners into his crew, using the promise of loot to win them over.

Seeing the reinforcements come in, Castin made a wise strategic decision. He called off his siege and sniping campaign and led the army north across the neck of the Pentagouët peninsula, eventually making camp at the mouth of the Orland River. Roderigo's men spotted this retreat, and for the first time in weeks, men walked Pentagouët's courtyard without fear of being domed by a sniper sitting in the branches of a tree somewhere nearby. There was much jubilation among the Dutch, and amidst these celebrations, Captain Roderigo decided to return to the sea, taking the prize ship Sea Serpent's Bounty with him south to destinations unknown.

Unfortunately for the men of Nova Hollandia, Castin's retreat was little more than a rouse. The wily Frenchman and his Penobscot army had no intention of giving up on the fortress, but rather hoped to lull the Dutch into a false sense of security before striking at them again. Spending three days camping along the Orland, the men fished and swam while Castin planned for the battle to come and thought hard about the life he'd made for himself out in the Dawnlands. Considering his own mortality and the fate of his family should he die, Castin penned a remarkable letter to the most important administrator in French Acadia, Lieutenant Joybert de Soulanges, instructing him and the other authorities in Port Royal of the birth of his daughter Marie-Anne and naming her as his heir.

With that business concluded, the former standard bearer led his army back to the walls of Pentagouët. Arriving in the forest north of the outpost on the evening of the 9th, the Penobscot warriors offered up prayers to the Great Spirit, the deity Klose-kur-beh, and the Christian God as they watched the sunset in the west. Sending out preliminary scouts while there was still some light, Castin learned that there were only two ships in the harbor, a sloop, and a shallop, and that the Dutch were only keeping a light watch on the walls. Encouraged by this news, he decided to proceed with his plan.

Once the darkness set in, Penobscot warriors crept forward through the undergrowth, approaching Pentagouët's walls from the north, west, and east. Once the warriors got close enough, they fell several of the sentries on duty with their bows. One of the wounded sentries managed to raise the alarm, but by then, it was already too late. The Penobscot fell upon the fortress like wolves with a cornered deer. Rather than attempt to stop the Penobscot at the walls, the men inside the fort decided to resort to their old tactics and hold up in the barracks/armory building. Attempting to use it as a blockhouse, they unleashed a withering fire on any Penobscot warrior sighted either on the walls or running across the fortress courtyard. Yet, with the walls in Penobscot hands, Castin unleashed the bulk of his army, and soon they were swarming across the fort, securing building after building and surrounding the structure in which the Dutch cowered.

The ships in the harbor could follow the action somewhat by watching for muzzle flashes inside the compound, but they made no move to help. Instead, they watched as the Penobscot set fire to the Dutch garrison house and were forced to listen to the anguished screams of their comrades as the Abenaki or the fire eliminated them one by one. When the smoke cleared the following morning, the entire garrison had been wiped out, with only 5 survivors taken prisoner. Meanwhile, the fire that had been used to end the siege had destroyed much of the fort's inner compound, leaving only a small chapel still standing inside its walls. Believing themselves incapable of rectifying the situation on their own, the Dutch ships in Pentagouët's harbor left without firing a shot, sailing south to locate Roderigo and bring him up to speed on what had happened. They found him five days later fishing on a shoal off the coast of York. The future of Nova Hollandia was in his hands.

For the Penobscot, the victory at Pentagouët was a bittersweet one. 18 warriors had died in the final assault, and although they had recaptured the fortress, the vital services Pentagouët provided the Penobscot were not possible without the equipment found in its armory and without the French settlers, priests and merchants who the Dutch had driven off in their initial attack. It would take months, if not years, to bring Pentagouët into working order again. Castin would now need to learn how to govern as well as he could fight.