Nightly News, Chinese Public Broadcasting Service, 21 July 1929
ANCHOR: "We finish tonight's news with an exclusive interview with the Director of the Military Intelligence Bureau, Martin Li. Director Li will be discussing the Africa Command operations in Africa against the Holdouts. Thank you for joining us, Director."
LI: "Thank you."
ANCHOR: "Now, I'm sure that there is much you can't tell us, Director, but what can you tell us about the situation on the ground with AFRICOM?"
LI: "Should I start from the beginning?"
ANCHOR: "A brief summary would be good."
LI: "Alright. Well, this conflict is a continuation of the conflicts in the Great War, where predominantly-white colonial troops fought against Nanjing Accord and local rebel forces in Africa. These Holdouts are a mix of soldiers who didn't surrender, their families, and other civilians who formed their own communities in the Frontier, which we call "Redoubts." They use these Redoubts as bases to raid convoys for supplies and weapons, while also attacking the new African-led governments in their place.
ANCHOR: "Which these Holdouts do not recognize."
LI: "Yes. While their motivations may vary, and they aren't exactly a united front, it's a movement that is united around the opposition to Majority Rule and the support of a restoration of the colonial government and order. In response, the local governments reached out to the Nanjing Accord for military assistance and training. This is how Africa Command, or "AFRICOM" for short, was formed. As I speak, Special Forces from Asia and France train local forces, and they fight in the field against the Holdouts across Africa. Well, what's left of them, anyways."
ANCHOR: "That's a a lot to take in, Director. Could you describe operations?"
LI: *Breathes in* "Yeah, it is. And I'll say what I can. Operations are fairly simple: Local intel will get a tip, then they send out scouts and drones to do reconnaissance on the area. If they are confirmed to be Holdouts, then an operation will be planned, and forces will be deployed to clear the site and detain all non-combatants until they can be relocated."
ANCHOR: "How exactly does relocation work?"
LI: "Well, we have to remember that these are people who are, at worst, white supremacists. At best, they believe that the Africans want to 'Take their Land and Lives,' as Alliance propaganda used to say. They don't want to live in a society that is both majority-African and governed by Africans, so many of them request relocation to a majority-white country such as the United States. In cooperation with the International Red Cross, we are able to facilitate these relocation efforts as seamlessly as possible."
ANCHOR: "Some critics have described this as a form of 'Ethnic Cleansing,' or 'White Flight.' What do you say to that?"
LI: "There's no easy answer to this, but this does not fit the definition of 'Ethnic Cleansing,' which is the 'systematic elimination of an ethnic group or groups from a region or society, as by deportation, forced emigration, or genocide.' From what we have seen, and what the International Red Cross has observed, deportation has been minimal, and largely restricted to enemy combatants. White emigration has largely been of their own accord, and isolated retaliatory actions that are the exception rather than the rule do count as a genocide. Or to put it another way, these people are running for their lives, and the African governments are letting them."
ANCHOR: "Why exactly are they running?"
LI: "From what our analyses have seen, it is a mix of believing pro-colonial propaganda during the war, a rejection of Majority Rule, or economic concerns due to land redistribution programs. Very similar to what happened in the Post-Colonial Era in the Lost History."
ANCHOR: "Could you elaborate more on that?"
LI: "Sure. Basically, when the colonial era ended in a country, we would see emigration from the white population. Well, except in places like Rhodesia and South Africa, who both opposed majority rule, though they were defeated. Doesn't stop them from having a near-mythological place in a lot of white supremacists' minds back then. Kind of like the Confederacy in America."
ANCHOR: "Is it possible that we could see something similar with the Holdouts, Director?"
LI: "It's possible. But do you want to know what I saw when I visited one of those Redoubts? Subsistence farming. Flies. Malnourished animals. And do you know what the worst part was?"
ANCHOR: "Go on?"
LI: "The smell. For all their talk about survivalism, these people couldn't dispose of their waste, and you could smell it from a mile away. These were people who were 'Living off the land' like pioneers, but they couldn't even protect themselves from cholera. That's how bad it was."
LI: "So when you ask me if people will mythologize the Holdouts, I-I can't help but laugh. These are people who thought they were survivalists, but they couldn't even manage basic agriculture and water purification. And this was before we talk about the part where so many of them killed themselves, rather than fight or surrender."
ANCHOR: "Director-"
LI: "So no, I don't think they'll be remembered like the 300 Spartans. The Spartans didn't nearly starve to death or pour their feces in their own water supply. And for all their flaws, at least the Spartans died valiantly in battle."
ANCHOR: "I see... Well, that's all the time we have. Thank you for joining us, Director."
Pontifical Catholic University of São Paulo, Sao Paulo, Brazil, 1 August 1929
"What we are seeing in Latin America," Dr. Pedro da Silva said to his class, "Is a sort of snowball effect of Radicalism, in which one country's political revolution, whether electoral or otherwise, inspires similar movements in neighboring countries. This phenomenon, which academics in the United States refer to as the 'China Effect,' took place first in..."
One student raised his hand.
Oh for God's sake. It's in the name! Okay, let's see... anyone who isn't Luiz.
Thankfully, another student raised his hand. One that didn't answer the majority of Dr. da Silva's questions.
"Yes. Joao."
"China?"
"Exactly. What happened in China was that the democratic Chinese Revolution led to uprisings in neighboring countries such as Japan, Korea, and Siam; all of these revolutions also pushed for similar rights in their own countries. Then these countries, as well as China, inspired even more movements in India, the Philippines, Indonesia, Burma, and Indochina, all of which are following in the footsteps of China and the 'Little Chinas,' as some academics call them."
Another hand shot up. This time, it was Aristides, one of the more-quiet students.
"Aristides?"
"If China is the origin of the 'China Effect' in Asia... What is the source of the China Effect in the Americas?"
"I'm glad you asked," the professor said, with as much zeal as anyone who spent enough years working towards a doctorate would. "There are four origins."
"The first is Gran Colombia. Or rather, Colombia itself. Having elected a Liberal government, it provided a base of Radicalism in the north of South America that allowed it to spread to its neighbors in Venezuela and Ecuador. This movement, which dates back to previous decades, inspired similar electoral successes in Ecuador, as well as a military coup in Venezuela that led to the three Radical Liberal countries re-forming Gran Colombia. This in turn inspired the overthrow of President Augusto Leguia in Peru, which in turn inspired the overthrowing of Bautista Saavedra in Bolivia."
Though I doubt that Peru and Bolivia will reunite anytime soon.
"The second would be Argentina, whose Radical Civic Union inspired the Radicals in Chile, who came to power after the 'Nitrate Crash' sent the nitrate-reliant Chilean economy into an economic spiral. In a broad twist of fate, the Chilean Radicals would inspire their Argentinian neighbors to elect Marcelo Torcuato de Alvear and mobilize against the Patriotic League's attempted coup."
Joao raised his hand again.
"Yes, Joao?"
"Exactly how deep were these connections, professor? The Gran Colombians all have been working towards this goal for years, but is there a similar connection between Chile and Argentina?"
"Not exactly, Joao. While the Liberals in Gran Colombia ultimately worked towards re-forming Gran Colombia, the Radicals of Argentina and Chile mainly shared resources at most. Their alliance was largely-ideological, rather than nationalistic."
"I see..."
"Does that answer your question?" Joao nodded. "Okay then. Well, the third source is Brazil. President Dias Lopes' Revolutionary Alliance was inspired by the Chinese Tongmenghui's success in the Chinese Revolution. This revolution, which brought democratization, reform, and an end to Milk Coffee politics as we know it. Just as China inspired revolution in Siam and reform Japan, the Revolutionary Alliance's success would inspire the Febrerista Revolution in Paraguay and the continued rise of Batillismo over Riverismo in the Colorado Party in Uraguay."
To this, his students seemed to nod. Now, Pedro didn't know if this was because they were listening, or they just wanted the lesson to be over, but it was a simple enough concept. Just as China inspired revolution in Siam and reform in Japan, so did Brazil in Paraguay and Uruguay, respectively.
"Professor?" Pedro turned to see Luiz raising his hand. As much as Dr. da Silva was hesitant to call on him, it was less to do with any dislike of the young man. If anything, Pedro saw him as a protege.
Protege or not, he couldn't one student answer all his questions.
"If all of these countries are either the source or the result of the China Effect, that doesn't leave any country in South America."
"That is true, Luiz."
"Short of Guyana being the fourth origin of the China Effect in South America, I don't know what other country could be considered."
"Well," da Silva chuckled, "I can tell you for sure that Guyana is not the fourth origin."
"Of course, Professor. But if not them, then who?"
"Well, if the Revolutionary Alliance here in Brazil is what inspired Paraguay and Uruguay's turn towards Radicalism, which country inspired the Revolutionary Alliance?"
"...China?"
"Yes."
SInoRail Headquarters, Taipei, Taiwan, Republic of China, 25 August 1929
"General-"
"I'm not a general anymore, Chiu," Michael turned his former subordinate. "You don't have to call me that, anymore."
"Well what do I call you, then? Because right now, you're my boss, and you're the one person here who will listen to us."
He's right, isn't he?
Goddammit.
I swear, half the reason I took this job was so I wouldn't keep getting dragged into things. And where does that leave me?
Getting dragged into a labor dispute. Great.
It was a simple enough issue, now that he thought about it. The workers weren't happy with pay and safety conditions and... well, Michael had to give them that. These were people working for hours in a tunnel, and there were all sorts of risks that came with that.
Seriously, who was the idiot who didn't give them hard hats? I'm going to kick their ass if I find them.
That, including one work incident too far that sent a worker to the hospital, led to a call to unionize. And with corporations being corporations... Well, it was no surprise that the Board of Directors didn't want that.
"So, what do you want me to do? Bring it to the board? I'm outnumbered."
"They'll listen to you," Chiu insisted. "If nothing else, they can't exactly fire a war hero."
"I'd lose what standing I have, Chiu. Then we're even more in the hole. Look, you know I sympathize with you guys, but unless Nanjing steps in, we're going to be SOL."
Presidential Palace, Nanjing, Jiangsu, Republic of China, 26 August 1929
Wang Zhaoming was still getting used to the office. Sure, there were calls of "Hanjian" towards him, but those tended to be from rivals and those on their way out.
Still, it was "Hanjian this," and "Hanjian that."
Honestly, they need to come up with something else, now that it turns out most people don't care.
"We're doing this, right?" his Chief of Staff, Chen Gongbo asked him. "As a state-owned company, SinoRail is under our jurisdiction, and our allies are in the labor movement."
"That is all well and good, Chen," the new President told him, "But the plan involves digging up dirt on the Board of Directors from my time as Minister of Finance and effectively blackmailing them into allowing the rail workers to unionize. Which is illegal, I might add."
"It's not illegal to just release the information, is it?"
"No, it wouldn't," Wang admitted. "It wouldn't be the first time we used transparency to remove somebody from office for corruption. Unfortunately, that would leave us without almost half the Board of Directors, including the chairman."
"It's not as if we're running out of competent civil servants, Wang. As President, you have the last word when it comes to selection. Plus, I can already think of a qualified candidate who is a proven leader when it comes to on-the-spot promotions..."
"Or I could just give an executive order, Chen. Most of these cases are circumstantial, at best, and we don't need to fire half the Board of Directors."
That, and I doubt Michael Chen would want to be kicked upstairs for the umpteenth time.
It was a common occurrence in the aftermath of the Revolution. Revolutionaries, soldiers, and even Tongmenghui members including Wang himself were thrust into all sorts of responsibilities. It was Sink or Swim, with the incompetent sinking and being replaced by those who could at least tread water.
It led to very competent men quickly rising through the ranks. One need only look at Martin Li rising to Director of the Military Intelligence Bureau, or Michael Chen rising from Captain to General of the 6th Marine Division. Wang would like to think that he also qualified, but he would be the first to admit to being biased.
Brussels, Benelux Union, 5 September 1929
If he didn't know better, Paul-Henri Charles Spaak would have thought that the war had never come to this city.
Well, he would have, had he not fought here half a decade ago with the International Brigades. Yet here he was, in a rebuilt city in a new country that he had to govern.
It wasn't as if the French had much of a choice. Sure, they could have done a military government in-perpetuity, but that would anathema to everything the French had stood for as Radicals and Socialists.
Over time, the powers would be returned to the locals. First at the local level, and then at the national. Spaak had been in the former group, by virtue of being the right man in the right place at the right time. He was a socialist Belgian from Brussels, and they needed a socialist Belgian from Brussels to be the city's mayor.
The fact that he was the nephew of President Paul-Emile Janson certainly didn't hurt things. If anything, it helped bridge the gap between the Liberals and Labour that needed every bit of legitimacy they could get their hands on.
Which, if he was being honest, they were doing decently, for the most part. While yes, there were issues like repatriation, the fact remained that they had the diplomatic support of France and the economic support of China. That alone was enough to get Belgium- No, the Benelux back on their feet despite having to repatriate thousands of Belgians from the colonies.
That was all a few years ago, when Brussels was still somewhat-bombed out. These days, the city looked as if nothing had changed but the new flag and the abdication of the old King.
Hopefully, the war would be a thing in the past, so that the Union, as well as Europe as a whole, could look towards the future.
League Park, Cleveland, Ohio, United States of America, 28 September 1929
"Second isn't bad," he admitted. And as a former player, he knew better than most. "It still stings, though."
"Ray," his wife told him, "You've been out of the game for almost a decade."
"I know, I know. I finished it off with a World Series win and everything, but that doesn't mean I can't root for my old team, Katie."
"I've noticed. So have Junior and Kat."
That went without saying when he'd bring his family to every game he could. His family had the money for it, so why wouldn't he bring them along for a game now and then... or every week?
It was a game he loved, and this was how he could share it with the family he treasured so dearly.
Then again, he figured that most people would've felt the same way if they too had cheated the Reaper at least once, and he was no exception.
There's no way around it. I cheated death and won a World Series.
And that's before I met my children.
Okay, if he was being completely honest, him wearing a helmet was what had saved him, but he was only wearing a helmet in the first place because an island had traveled back in time.
He didn't believe it at first. If anything, he thought it was some sort of snake-oil bullshit some Uptimer was trying to sell to him and all the other players. The salesmen were insistent, though, and the Commission made the helmets mandatory.
A few years and a pitch to the head later, and Chapman had changed his mind. On that August day at the Polo Grounds, he faced off against Carl Mays, who plunked him right in the head. Next thing he knew, Chapman was on the ground, with his helmet in the dirt beside him.
He'd be out for the game, but he knew full well it was better than dying the next day and leaving Katie a widow.
There was no way around it: That helmet, which still sat proudly atop their fireplace, had given him a new lease on life that he intended to live to its fullest.
Even if his Cleveland Naps might need another twenty years to win the World Series.