"We were carrying on a strike, when we ought to have been making a revolution." - William Gallacher.
The Glasgow Strike of January 1919 would not be the last time that the workers of the Scottish city declared their intent to cease the operation of British industry, nor would it be the last time the Clyde's Worker Committee (CWC) would give the government much headache for which to deal with the threat of socialist revolution on these fair isles. The bobbies of Glasgow would see to it that the riotous crowds of the Scottish working population were quieted down, as the lack of coordination between the more conciliatory laborites and those of a more Bolshevik bent would see to it that the strike would flounder by the end of January.
The actions of the Coalition government under Lloyd George would prove to be a tone-setter for their opinions regarding the continued rabblerousing of militant labor and the trade unions, as with the swift and utter defeat of the CWC's calls for a national strike action, the shop stewards of England beyond the bloody streets of Glasgow would, one by one, slink back into their meek existences as the collared dogs of the state. It would not stop the growing issue of unemployment however, as the growing concern of demobilization would continue to loom over the government heading into February.
Strikes would continue to occur, no doubt, over that very issue, but the vaunted general strike would not come yet, as the unions found themselves trembling against the power of the government's gun for now.
A power that was, let's say, less appreciated elsewhere...
Labor Radicalism Reduced (?)
Labor Unrest Reduced (?)
Conservative Party Opinion + Liberal Party Opinion + Labor Party Opinion -
Government Deficit Worsens
Unemployment Grows
"We pledge our lives and the lives of our comrades in arms to the cause of its [Irish Republic] freedom, of its welfare, and of its exaltation among the nations." - Text of the Proclamation of the Irish Republic.
The long-existing headache of the lands west of England herself, that being those lands belonging to the Emerald Isle and her good people, had festered long enough that it had become a issue greatly despised by any good MP sitting in Parliament. The long sought-after relief of the Home Rule Act had been rather ruthlessly blocked with the coming of the great European conflagration, and it seems that for many an Irishman, the delay of such a vital bill for the progression of Irish independence had been the last straw in the camel's back.
With the sweeping victory of the Sinn Féin party (literally, We Ourselves) against the predominant tide of Irish Unionist candidates on the island itself, many had expected them to push for the finalization of the Home Rule Act, thus granting them their own Parliament from which they could agitate further for eventual Dominionship or some other such agreement within the Empire. It was hoped that their more radical members were not composed of the majority of the party, and that they would moderate their positions once in power, for surely they would not risk war with the largest Empire on Earth.
Right?
Instead, on the 19th of January, the Proclamation would be issued by the MPs of Sinn Féin, declaring their intent for the formation of a permanent independent republic composed of all provinces of the island, with no room made for compromise on a supposed Home Rule Act in the making. On the same day, members of Sinn Féin's paramilitary wing, the Irish Republican Army (IRA), would execute a handful of officers from the Royal Ireland Constabulary, making clear that they did not intend to back down from a fight with the London government.
Cries of bloody murder would come quickly from the Conservative-dominated government, with some such as the esteemed Liberal MP of Dundee calling for an immediate and violent deployment of the British Army into Ireland to deal with the growing rebellion, crushing it as they had done with the Glasgow Strike in remarkably swift fashion.
However, other more calmer voices such as Deputy PM Bonar Law would call for a more stringent intervention against the Irish Republicans, pointing out rightfully that the government could less afford further costs to it's already meagre budgets. He would draft a proposal for the reliance on fewer British Army troops on the island, the burden of suppression to be placed on the Royal Irish Constabulary instead, where their familiarity with the local situation would suit them better for the stomping out of republicanist ideals.
Looking at his options, Prime Minister Lloyd George would choose to...
[] Send in the Army. Ireland is an indelible part of the British Empire, the rebellion must be crushed swiftly. + Liberal Party (Lloyd George) Opinion
- Conservative Party Opinion
-- Government Budget
[] Rely on Local Forces. Bonar makes a good point... + Conservative Party Opinion + Liberal Party (Lloyd George) Opinion - Government Budget
Current Situation:
Conservative Party (Bonar Law)
Strength in Parliament: Overwhelming Wartime PM (Opinion +++, Decaying)
Fears of a Red Revolution (Opinion +++, Dependent on Choices) The Lesser Partner (Opinion -)
Liberal Party (Lloyd George/Current PC)
Strength in Parliament: Sizeable Wartime PM (Opinion ++++, Decaying) The Old Man of Government (Opinion ++) Successfully Dealt with the Glasgow Strike (Opinion +) The Liberal Splitter (Opinion -)
Liberal Party (Asquith)
Strength in Parliament: Miniscule Traitor and Deceiver (Opinion ----) Fears of a Red Revolution (Opinion ++, Dependent on Choices)
Labour Party (William Adamson)
Strength in Parliament: Miniscule Wartime PM (Opinion ++, Decaying) Conservative Puppet (Opinion --)
King of England (George V) Wartime PM (Opinion +++, Decaying)
Mandate of the People (Opinion ++)
Governing it Right (Opinion +) The Irish Ulcer (Opinion -)
Public Opinion: Positive Unemployment: Slowly Rising Labor Unrest: Declining (Assumed) Labor Radicalization: Steady (Assumed) Government Budget: Worryingly Low