Administrative reforms were the main continuance of the Marshal's premiership, modifying the past year's reform towards a more effective state. The voivodeships' borders were adjusted, and their powers were specified and in some areas expanded. Below them was the provincial system, if often they were parallel rather than explicitly below. The powers of the new provinces were set up over taxation, but only in some small cases.
The main power was meanwhile reoriented into a true liberal-style set of departaments, organised around military and administrative efficiency with some adherence to population. The effect of this was to cause confusion and expand budgetary costs first of all. The feared weakening of the administration was stopped, but three new threats emerged. First of all was the cost of paying so many new, irrelevant, bureaucrats and state offices. The government was accused of corruption and of evading meritocracy by their enemies, and by those who didn't get in. Whether true or not, it was undeniably a waste of public funds, made more striking by the lack of high public spending throughout the year.
Second was the rise in authority of the 'useless' nobility, of those who were technically representatives of the state but had little actual power. They complained when things did not go their way, and complained that they did not have enough competences to their name. It was a tug of war over powers and responsibilities that had been engendered, and not merely a two-sided one, but three.
Third was the increasing dependence on the state by a class of ne'er do wells. Politicians with little ambition for work, middle class men who only wanted government sinecures, and all sorts of relatives were increasingly seeing the new administrations as their path to lifetime security. Usually more educated and politically active than the rest of the population, if angered by the state they might well respond with conspiratorial energy and sedition.
Marmont's response to the fears of rebellion was a grand plan to strengthen nationalism by renaming the state and monarch. Napoleon was to become Franciszek Kazimierz, and Poland to be reestaablished in its old titles. This plan, most aggrandising in its scope, was immediately vetoed by the King as soon as he found it, and the Prime Minister only survived because of his loyal intentions with it. The King had no interest at all in giving up his famed father's name, the name that by itself rallied both love and hate in quantities beyond any save Christ's.
As for the reestablishment of the Commonwealth and its titles, it was rejected. What was the point in so severely damaging foreign relations, in risking breaking the peace treaty that had established the state, for a symbolic act of no purpose or advantage? To have to give up all foreign freedom of action and commit entirely to reassurance for a pretence anyone could see through? As it was, the Polish nation's diplomats were focused in any case on outreaches to all three states with tones of honey in order to maintain independence longer.
More successful were other movements, in part thanks to the increased importance of the Departements. With a church concordat, the bishopry were relegated to their birth status- noble if so, not if not so- but had their proportion of the upper house made certain. This disappointed many Frenchmen who had hoped for a more radical Napoleon, but made sense for Poland and its situation. Appeasing the Catholics relaxed that side of the opposition and strengthened the prime minister's own position notably.
It also made working with them on programs of literacy easier, as Sunday schools were organised. Intended for both adults and children, they found an important part of the population eager to learn, but noted comments also of the lack of time or energy for it. How to resolve this was an open question, of course. It was also difficult to find exact statistics for literacy.
In this regard the anniversary census proved a godsend. Integrating into it the main aspects of interest for the expanding state and military, it was among the most modern censuses of its time. It found the average rate of property (dazzlingly unequal), the proportion of gender (almost equal), and that of children and men of army-age. Literacy, as it turned out, was in the higher range of twenty percent, which was bemoaned by the enlightened French immigrants and seen as a matter for improvement.
More investment into education was also forthcoming for the third formation. The Marshal finally paid some attention to the military, which had begun to complain after their support of his rule. University scholarships increased by a hundred a year in the fields of science and philosophy, with the requisite that all those granted them would then enroll in the militia as officers. The meritocratic system that the military applied to these meant that the crop of future soldiers was to improve, slowly but steadily as time passed, and ensure a basic spine for the militia.
All these manifestations of support, opposition, and otherwise had made the existing situation clearer for Auguste and the King. The church, and thus the catholics, were happy with Marmont. The military wanted more funding, and their demands to be taken care of. The liberals were frustrated but appeased by reforms. The peasants wanted the totality of serfdom ended. The bourgeoisie wanted continued stability. The nobles were quite content as is. And all of them wanted support for foreign rebels.
Well, not foreign. Polish and Lithuanian. The matter was a thorny one, in which the government's policy was to do as little as possible (to keep the Great Powers happy) and as much as possible (to keep the people happy). Some had sarcastically called this dialectical, but it was simply the core trouble at the heart of Poland. Outside the country, furthermore, opinions were also divided. The nobility, which had always been the heart of uprisings, feared the end of serfdom. The peasants were uncertain if they truly cared. Many others wanted universal suffrage, or had more radical demands. As a state, it was in the advantage of the government to obtain as much control over the secret societies and conspiracies that ruled the nationalist world, but this was impossible.
Thankfully, for now, no one was lighting the powder.
Foreign events
Peelite era begins in the United Kingdom, only mildly shaking foreign policy but scuppering tarriff policy and starting off the beginnings of law and order organisations. Slight economic crash due to the Afghan collapse. Census of the British islands shows Ireland's population standing at eight million.
Despite on-the-ground deals with the Qing, the British Navy continues to assault several coastal cities and islands.
After Britain refuses to give up an escaped ship of slaves to their American traders, first multilateral treaty for the suppression of the African slave trade signed, Poland a signatory but not France.
First regulations for child labour in France, and in mining for children and women in Britain.
Please write a plan for the new prime minister to follow in his third year in power, following these rules:
1) A maximum of EIGHT distinct points within each plan.
2) A limit of each point to a single, concise sentence.
3) Any further explication of plan points to be separated from the vote itself and moved into the body of the post.
4) If no vote gains a majority or clear plurality, I will do a 'coalition' of choices as I have just done in this vote. From now on, order your planks in order of desire.
Example vote:
[] Marriage to the Sea
- [] Create an inland lake to get a coastline.
- [] Fund a new officers' school for naval seamen.
- [] Pass laws giving officers tax exemptions.
- [] Reform the administrative borders in line with church diocesis.
- [] Declare Jesus Christ Emperor of Europe.
- [] Have a swimming competition in the Vistula.
- [] Publish irredentist maps showing Moscow as a part of Lithuania.
- [] Pass laws limiting the amount of vodka to be drunk by any one person in a day.